Documents found
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83.More information
The Karthala Forest (Comoros) is currently the subject of a national protection policy, in conjunction with the international community. This policy may be more or less in line with the perceptions and expectations of the residents of the forest. In order to better understand these issues, we have studied the representations of the forest by local populations, upstream of its protection. The following assumptions are made: (i) the degree of knowledge of the components of the forest is different according to the trades, the gender, the age and the ways of frequenting the forest; (ii) the successful establishment of the protected area of the Karthala forest is based on taking into account the representations and uses of the forest by local residents. Surveys carried out in 2016 and 2017 in eight localities around the Karthala forest and in the capital Moroni have allowed us to capture the representations of the components of the forest and the protected area creation project. The collected data were collected in the form of cognitive maps and freelisting. From these data, we constructed an index of the cognitive complexity of each respondent in relation to the forest, which we compared between socio-professional categories, age categories, gender and place of residence. We also compared the social representations of the forest between the residents and the inhabitants of the capital. Our results show that the cognitive maps approach improves the discussions around environmental public policy for both pragmatic and ethical reasons and allows us to study reconciliation issues between conservation objectives of biodiversity and biodiversity, human development of territories.
Keywords: forêt du Karthala, Comores, cartes cognitives, représentations sociales, conservation de la biodiversité, développement humain, Karthala forest, Comoros, cognitive maps, social representations, biodiversity conservation, human development
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85.More information
In Search of a New Start Thanks to the European Dynamics Roland Colin Spain's entry into the European Community on 1st January 1986 was the result of lengthy negotiations involving the proponents and opponents of integration. Now, after a year of experience, evidence on some of the issues is becoming a little clearer. On the one hand, there is agreement that Spain's economic modernisation in the Community is a must. On the other hand, in geopolitical terms, the harmonisation of a twelve-nation Europe has been made yet harder, and hence increases the need for the reinforcement of the decision-making process which the Single European Act envisages for 1992. That year, the five hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America, recalls Spain's prestigious past, a contrast with its subsequent difficult historical evolution. After the Reconquest, which did not abolish the marks of Islam, followed by the « Golden Century », the Spanish monarchy suffered the shock of the Napoleonic invasions. During the XIXth century the difficult process of industrial revolution was several times disturbed by the resurgence of past models. The advanced modernisation of Catalonia and the north Atlantic coast lays in sharp contrast with the traditional agricultural systems in the centre and south. In 1936 the Civil War put an end to the nascent expansion of the economy, and left deep social scars. Francoism imposed silence beyond the drama with an iron fist, and introduced a protectionism which was as idealogical and political as it was economic. From the sixties, an opening up of the economy became essential : the Spanish « economic miracle » did not however bite into the dictatorship. After Franco's death, in 1975, the « political miracle » of a successful démocratisation under the unexpected impulse of King Juan Carlos had to face the two successive « oil shocks ». The economy had to adjust to painful and necessary new conditions. And more generally the industrial restructuring, a prerequisite of the « European project », was accompanied by Europe's highest unemployement rate, wich reached 22 per cent at the beginning of 1986. The agricultural crisis has opposed the farm exporting Mediterranean side to the still archaic parts of the centre and the south. The « tertiarisation » of the country constitutes the dominant feature of the new economy resulting partly from the performance of tourism. At the time of entry into the European Community — under the strong leadership of Felipe Gonzalez' Socialist government which was pursuing, not without social clashes, an economic adjustment policy — the opportunities for Spain, henceforward well recognised, are facing serious hurdles. The « hot segments » of the Spanish economy and society signal a range of problems : how to establish a new social equilibrium, so as to overcome unemployment, ensure the economic and social participation of women, youth, and the « left out » ? How to regulate, internally and externally, an economic system which is in a state of trasformation, and how to prevent its « satellisation » at a lower level of a new European division of labour ? How to respond to the « external vocation » of the Arabo-Mediterranean and Ibero-American heritage, while also incorporating the « internal vocation » written into the dynamics of the « Autonomous Communities » : seventeen Spains into Spain ? How also to prevent the risk of quasi institutional monopoly of power in the hands of PSOE in an economically evolving society in which there are no signs of credible or potential alternatives ? This chronicle of the Spanish economy, building on a historical and political analysis, attempts to describe the system of economic structures and its regulators made before and since the entry of Spain in the European Community. The intention is to highlight the terms of a « problématique » which concerns the European partners of Spain as well as the Spainsh themselves.
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86.More information
Some "non-sovereign entities" that are human collectivities with a link to a territory, falling or potentially falling under the right of peoples to self-determination or exercising a right of secession, or simply having an autonomy recognized by domestic law in matters of international relations, in certain fields, sometimes participate with various statuses (observers, associate members, full members) in international organizations. This raises the question of the extent and scope of this participation and whether it might not lead to the questioning of the principle of the intergovernmental character of international organizations, which would like them to be first and foremost groupings of sovereign States?
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88.More information
AbstractDuring the June 2002 G8 summit in Kananaskis, Canada displayed its international leadership with the announcement of the Africa Action Plan. In this paper, we analyse Canada's Official Development Assistance (oda) programme during the 1990s to evaluate several hypotheses about how oda is disbursed. Some facts that are uncovered are that Commonwealth members receive more aid ; that media coverage and the content of media coverage of aid recipients affect aid levels ; and the surprising result that, contrary to its announced policy, Canada does not seem to favour democratic states that would be more likely to practice « good governance ». These results lead us to speculate about the future of Canada's oda programme in light of the post 9-11 international transformations. We conclude with some general policy suggestions to improve Canada's oda programme.
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89.More information
The Other Alexander, by Stéphane YerasimosThe Macedonian question is currently the central issue governing relations between Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Greece. This region, an extreme case of ethnie and religious mix, was partitioned in 1912. Bulgaria was left disatisfied and has laid irredentist daims more or less overtly ever since. Greece was disturbed by the proclamation of an independent Macedonia in September 1991, fearing eventual daims on its own territory, and refuses to recognise a state called Macedonia. As a resuit of this problem, developments in the Albanian situation, the growing involvement of Turkey and the increased concern of Western countries in the region, new alliances are being formed and new conflicts are on the horizon.
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90.More information
Cities are increasingly emerging as political actors at the international level because they constitute an effective level of intervention in the political, economic and social management of urban issues. Moreover, the involvement of the various stakeholders, and in particular citizens, has long been synonymous with a democratic society. This involvement is proving to be an integral part of economic development and social development and an increasingly interesting area of research. This article seeks to identify the key factors of citizen participation in Algeria by taking the city of Tlemcen as a case study, and using a questionnaire-based survey.
Keywords: parties prenantes de la ville, participation citoyenne, gouvernance urbaine, villes algériennes, city stakeholders, citizen participation, urban governance, Algerian cities, partes interesadas de la ciudad, participación ciudadana, gobernanza urban, ciudades argelinas