Documents found
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362.More information
In this paper, we examine the dynamics of the labour market, and more precisely the dynamics of unemployment in Quebec relative to Ontario and the whole of Canada.We first find that if it is true that there exists an important fluidity in the labour market, that fluidity is not sufficient to rapidly solve the unemployment problem. Using the data of a special Statistics Canada survey we then look at unemployment in Quebec, Ontario and Canada from a dynamic point of view. From that perspective, unemployment in Quebec seems even more dramatic than the result of conventional static analysis. Whatever the aspect we concentrate upon the proportion of workers who have lost a full time job and who have not been recalled by the same employer, the proportion of those who have not found a new job, the proportion of those who have not found a new full time job, the proportion of those who have got off the labour force, the proportion of those who have been looking for a full time job for more than six months, the score we get for Quebec is much worse than the one we get, comparing to Ontario and Canada, in a conventional static analysis.We also examine some aspects of the job search process, in Quebec alone. We calculate a «risk of losing a job» rate, a «chance of finding a job» rate and a ranking for some specifie groups according to sex, age, education level and industry. Differences appear to be important. Maies are ranked higher than females; the younger higher than the older; the more educated higher than the less educated and service industries higher than manufacturing industries.The analysis of these differences brings us to the conclusion that due to some special important changes in the market, the free trade agreement for example, some groups would suffer deeply.We then look at one particular manpower program: the training and retraining policy. Only 5% to 6% of the target population get services. It is really not much. On the other hand, we know that employment promotion expenditures are less in Canada than in many other industrialized countries. These two facts, taken together, are for us a convincing argument that training and retraining policies should be improved. This conclusion, however important it may be, should not make us forget the sources of unemployment other than the one analyzed here: unemployment due to a qualitative disequilibrium between demand and supply. The other sources of unemployment are really there in Quebec. We must continue to analyze them and fight them.
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367.More information
This article examines the Canadian approach to peace building. Our analysis shows why and how Canada developed this new concept of peace building and adapted it to become a central goal of its foreign policy. Our thesis is that implementation of this approach allows Canadian decision-makers to explore new ways by which Canada can attempt retaining a leading role in the area of intrastate conflict management and resolution, a " niche "through which the Middle Power status of its foreign policy can be reasserted.
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368.More information
Historically, the use of armed force constitutes a source of division within Canadian society in which several conceptions oppose one another. Among them, the militarist conception of the “warrior nation” and its robust diplomacy have gained in strength since the coming to power of the Conservatives in 2006. At the heart of the conservative strategy to replace Canada's internationalist (Liberal) identity with the foundation of a “natural governing party”, this militarist discourse breaks with the generally cautious approach of preceding governments over the last half-century. This being so, this change, far from contributing to rally Canadian society, reveals and exacerbates the tensions within the country, with the result that national unity becomes a collateral victim of the first order.
Keywords: politique étrangère canadienne, force armée, unité nationale, Stephen Harper, Canadian foreign policy, armed forces, national unity, Stephen Harper, politica exterior canadiense, fuerza armada, unidad nacional, Stephen Harper
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369.More information
During the 1970's and at the dawn of the 80's, the intervention of the Federal Government of Canada in the country's economic sector became more pronounced, thus following a Worldwide trend in that aspect. It is specially marked in the sector of energy where it supports the Canadianization objectives which run counter to foreign interests and investments, first and foremost american. This article gives an idea of the world context in which lies the choice for energy policies. It goes on to de scribe the evolution of these policies which firmly hinge on the North-South continental context. The objectives outlined in the National Energy Program cannot allow to ignore this essential variable, specially in the determination of means and measures to be used to further economic nationalism. Such are the pressures brought about, at the highest level, by the american administration under the presidency of Ronald Reagan.
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370.More information
Canadian trade policy is largely one 0} compromise between the interests 0} Us main partners and a constant search for improved access to foreign markets. The establishment 0} GATT permitted the Canadian government to multilaterally pursue the principle of free trade on a basis of non-discrimination. Nevertheless, this policy 0} market diversification conflicted with three economic events, namely : entry of United Kingdom to the EEC, the breakdown of the Bretton Woods System, and the emergence of protectionism in the United States. Canada has decided to sign the FTA in 1989 with the United States, which now is extended to include Mexico. This regional block, similar to the EEC, does not signify the limits of a Worldwide utopia, but is very well a step toward market globalisation.