Documents found
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2521.
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2522.More information
The European foreign policy represents a significant stake notably for the members ofthe Union of which they try to insure the leadership by displaying appropriate strategies. The development aid policy appears as an important control lever of these strategies. Without foreseeing the importance of the political stakes, our hypothesis is that some members of the Union tried, since the treaty of Rome, to instrument the European aid policy, notably to Africa, to get economic advantagesfrom it. It is the case of France with its initial strategy of Europeanization of the costs, then that of the maximal taking out of the advantages, mainly in terms of new marketsfor its domestic companies. For different reasons these strategies did not produce the expected results. A solution could live in the rebilateralisation of aid as well as in the instrumentalisation by France of the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD).
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2523.More information
The problem of replacing the dollar as the principal instrument of international fund transfers, both official and private, is becoming increasingly acute. In attempting to assess to what extent the potential « successors » to American currency - the Deutsche Mark, S.T.R., crown - can, claim to be able at least to support it if not to replace it, it would be appropriate to identify the conditions in which the « internationalization » of first, the Pound sterling, and secondly, the dollar, was accomplished. Such an analysis makes it possible to consider the advantages and disadvantages inherent upon the use of a national currency as an international currency both for the country issuing that currency as well as for the international community. Experience shows, in fact, that « international monetary power » is a two-edged sword which can, undoubtedly be used to promote the « imperialist » aspirations of a state but which can also be shown to be a potential fact or for weakening its economy and bringing about the eventual undermining of the lutter.This state of affairs explains the reservations of the Germon, Japanese and Swiss monetary authorities with respect to sharing with the United States the burden of the « international monetary power » that the latter had exercised for several decades. These reservations however will likely not be sufficient to prevent the progressive internationalization of a currency such as the Deutsche Mark ... unless extensive measures are taken quickly to ensure the international growth of exclusively international instruments such as S.T.R. and the crown.
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2524.More information
In the Third World, the Energy Crisis of 1973 emphasized the vulnerability of certain large oil-importing countries engagea in an extensive process of industrialization. As the multinational-dominated automobile industry represented the core of the recent industrializing profile in Brazil, the end of Growth meant a direct threat to its future development as an energy-consuming economic sector. A powerful lobby was then activated to intervene on the side of the State and the national bourgeoisie. The latter was putting forward the PRO-ALCOOL program in the Mid-Seventies, as a response to the new challenge. An alliance with the car industry was made possible when the State withdrew from a tradition of direct involvment in Energy (exemplified by PETROBRAS), to enhance the private sector. Such a neo-liberal strategy in oil-substitution would be aimed at a potentially unlimited market in South America and the Carribean for alcohol-powered cars, while being essentially dependent upon the performance of its participants : the national bourgeoisie engagea in agro-business, and the automobile industry.In the light of recent findings from a research conducted in Brazil, the author recognized the originality of this internationalizing strategy, in the context of regional market integration. However, given its neo-liberal nature, it is not surprising that controls (of costs and quality) remained largely ineffective. Further structural limitations, such as technological deficiencies caused by inadequate R & D activities, uneasy relations among actors, especially among multinational corporations themselves, and a lack of private funding (to be related to the deep crisis in Latin America) delayed the implementation of the program in its original conception. Although reluctant to the introduction of new competitors, especially from Japan, the multinational could be forced into a new alliance that goes far beyond the actual loose formula, if they want the PRO-ALCOHOL program to be reactivated in the near future.
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2528.More information
Beyond every political blatant manoeuvre in the media, the analysis of the juridical nature of the Bosnia-Herzegovina according to the Dayton agreements reveals an institutional structure which departs from the state juridical configuration as meant in the public law. The atypical nature of that state results from its organization, neither inspired by the classical model of state organization (unitary state, federal state) nor by the status of a parted state. The vulnerability of the Bosnia-Herzegovina status originates in the ambivalence of its legal conditions as far as state institutions functioning is concerned. Indeed the Dayton agreements have generated a range of juridical orders which seriously raises the question of their organization, both on the vertical level and the horizontal one.