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For decades, the United States has been a major influence in the field of international trade negotiations. When Donald Trump announced he would change the status quo, the world held its breath. During the 2016 campaign, the political stances of the candidates regarding free trade were well-established. Both Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton were opposed to free trade, albeit in different respects. Once elected, Donald Trump put words into action and changed the current free trade system. Trump called into question the principles at the heart of trade negotiations, such as reciprocity and multilateralism, and shook them to their core. To achieve this shift, the Trump administration built its rhetoric around the concept of trade deficits, and abandoned the rules and foundations of international trade. Trump's decisions have impacted the negotiating parameters that underlie all free trade agreements since, at the very least, the end of the Second World War.

Very often caricatured as a solitary activity, video games can, on the contrary, in many cases be formidable catalysts for social interaction. This is particularly true of online games, which encourage social interactions between players, sometimes making these interactions an essential part of the gameplay and the video game experience. However, the downside of online games that rely on or enable interaction between players is that some players may abuse these features and adopt what is commonly referred to as toxic behaviour. Examples include insults, threats and unsportsmanlike behaviour during games. Such behaviour can also be detrimental to game publishers and online gaming platforms, as it can damage their reputation and encourage some players to stop playing. This can result in a loss of revenue for these online gaming platforms. In this context, we will be looking at the ways in which the public authorities in the main video game markets around the world and online gaming platforms are dealing with this toxic behaviour. Is this issue taken seriously? If so, what measures have been implemented and why? More generally, what are the current trends in the fight against toxic online behaviour?

Avec l’échec des négociations entre les États-Unis et la Corée du Nord, menées depuis le début des années 1990, sur la question du nucléaire, le problème est devenu graduellement l’affaire des pays voisins, tous soucieux de l’avenir de la région du sud-est asiatique. Présentée comme le seul allié de la Corée du Nord, la China a été invitée à participer à des négociations à trois, à quatre (1997-1998), et à six (2003-2007), dans l’espoir de faire entendre raison au régime isolé, mais jusqu’à maintenant, aucune des tentatives n’est parvenue à satisfaire chacun des membres à la table. Alors que la tension monte et que la politique américaine se fait de moins en moins flexible, la Chine quant à elle, continue d’encourager le retour des négociations …

AbstractSince 1945, has the imposition of democracy by foreign powers been limited to five exceptional cases, as claimed by Schmitter, or is it at the origin of the two thirds of democracies as maintained by Whitehead ? This article proposes a definition of the imposition of democracy and analyses 24 of the 40 scenarios of democratization that correspond to this definition. It shows that the imposition of democracy has been limited to 6 cases, if we take into account only liberal democracies, and to 9 cases if we consider liberal and consociational democracies. These preliminary results tend to indicate : that the imposition of democracy has not been the rule; and that the point of view ot the authors about the extent of the imposition of democracy depends on their definition of democracy.

Keywords: démocraties libérales ou consociationnelles, gouvernement responsable, liberal democracy, consociational democracy, self-government

In the past decade, the world has entered a new nuclear age : relations among the major nuclear powers (United States, Russia and China) have grown more competitive, the spread of nuclear weapons to new states has resulted in worrying regional nuclear instabilities, and technological advances are raising new threats, while Arms Control is in a state of near total collapse. A new multilateral nuclear disorder, combining traditional concerns with distinctive new dangers, is here. The perils of this new and still evolving nuclear reality must be understood. The purpose of this article is to present a critical analysis of this reality and offer some thoughts regarding the future of the nuclear (dis)order.

Keywords: armes nucléaires, stratégie, États-Unis, Chine, non-prolifération, Russie, nuclear weapons, strategy, Unites-States, China, non-proliferation, Russia

At the end of the First World War, the idealism of Woodrow Wilson, Raoul Dandurand and Léon Bourgeois of France spawned a world organization dedicated to promoting the values of peace. The League of Nations belonged to an irenical project to institute peace grounded in law. In 1945, the founders of the UN were imbued with the same idealism, but they were also determined to draw lessons from the failure of the League of Nations. Where the League had failed in the task of managing international security, the UN would succeed, largely because it would not reproduce the League's flaws. The UN therefore became the bearer of the hope which the League had failed to fulfil. At the dawn of a new century, the hopes invested in the UN have been disappointed to a large degree. To be sure, the UN has not been beset by the same difficulties as the League and has achieved some successes, but its spotty track record has unquestionably undermined its role as a guarantor of peace. More significantly, the UN was forced into paralysis during the Cold War and has been unable to reclaim its main function of peacekeeping during the period of renewal that has followed the end of the East-West conflict.