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Historians remain divided over the nature of Canadian diplomacy during the Korean conflict of 1950-1953. Some favour traditional interpretations that stress Canadian-American differences over Western strategy in Cold War Asia, differences which encouraged Ottawa to pursue a “diplomacy of constraint.” Others minimize the gap between Ottawa and Washington, insisting that similar worldviews and shared Cold War interests severely limited Ottawa's inclination and capacity to constrain the much more powerful United States. Canada's experience with the United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency (UNKRA), created in the fall of 1950 to help rebuild shattered South Korea, provides an opportunity to test these two interpretations against the still untapped documentary record. This paper explores the competing set of motives, goals, and preoccupations that shaped Canada's approach to this UN agency. Humanitarianism and the allure of Asian trade were doubtless considerations. But politics trumped all. Support for the UN agency helped Ottawa sustain domestic backing, particularly among liberals and progressives, for the brutal Asian conflict. Canadian officials, like their UN and American counterparts, embraced UNKRA as a “pioneering” effort to showcase capitalist development in the context of the Asian Cold War. Most important, UNKRA was yet another multilateral mechanism available to Ottawa to offset, or constrain, the American tendency “to go it alone.”

Korean comic strips (manhwa) are “animated” through omnipresent iconowords that imitate not only sounds (onomatopoeias), but also movements which depict actions or conditions that are physical (e.g., gestures, facial expressions, movements), sensorial or psychological (e.g., emotion, mood), or are evocative of an aspect or texture (ideophones). In this way, they assume not only a sonic but also a kinetic or even an emotional dimension. Translators can adopt several strategies to render ideophones. In addition to simple omission, which is commonly practised, and phonetic transcription into the Latin alphabet, which produces an often opaque result, some translators replace them with a word or a syntagma; however, the result is then frequently overly semantic and explicit. The usage of iconoterms (often an onomatopoeia) enables recreation in a more suggestive, colourful style that transcends mere meaning, as they convey the expressive or iconic force of the original ideophone. In this way, iconoterms quietly activate the sonore, visual and emotional imagination of the decoder-reader in an all-image environment, which is one of the most notable specificities underlying the appeal of manhwa and its ideophones. When translation strategies are insufficient, the solution we propose is a simple, direct transfer, provided that the translator draws the meaning evoked by its graphic disposition (calligrams).

Keywords: bande dessinée, iconicité, mots mimétiques, onomatopée, idéophone, comic strips, iconocity, mimetic words, onomatopoeia, ideophone

CETA is paving the way for a new model of trade agreements. It introduces many innovations, but the most important is the regulatory cooperation. A particular chapter is dedicated to it and new institutional mechanisms have been introduced. Their general objective is to bring the regulations closer, to eliminate unnecessary barriers to trade and investment, to promote best practices and transparency, and to facilitate their convergence, including by mutual recognition in specific cases. As new technologies are upsetting production and trade, the big challenge of trade negotiations is not anymore to open markets, but to interconnect them. The article places the new debate around regulatory cooperation in this context, shows how the approach initiated by CETA departs from traditional models (trade negotiation as well as intergovernmental cooperation), and looks at the opportunities offered by the Regulatory Cooperation Forum for the participation of civil society in the debates.

This study examines the different strategies implemented by translators to translate, into French, Korean onomatopoeic interjections. Unlike onomatopoeia, an interjection possesses an affect, an intention to communicate (expressive or injunctive) in reaction to a situation experienced. Between emotional manifestation and implicit formulation, their semantic ambiguity does not easily convey their situational value, as it would be commonly understood in the culture of origin. In the absence of equivalent interjections in the target language, translators rely on either simple transliterations of the original Korean interjections or more lengthy/explicit non-interjective reformulations. After defining the framework of our study, we will examine, through extracts from Korean literature, the different strategies that make it possible to translate and transmit in French the expressive value and the emotional charge of these so-called “primary” elements of a language. Finally, we suggest some non-interjective or somatic alternatives making their semantic density perceptible.

Keywords: interjections, affect, gestualité, fonction discursive, densité sémantique, interjections, affect, gestures, discursive fonction, semantic density, interjecciones, afecto, lenguaje corporal, función discursiva, densidad semántica

Today, faced with the rise of right-wing populism, several political actors believe the need for left-wing populism. Certain leftist political sectors advocate the reinvention of populist nationalism. Despite the differences from this experience which was strong in Brazil in the 1950s / 60s, certain elements remain as a hard core of this political ideology. Among them the fetish of development as industrial growth, the development of the “internal market”, the characterization of the country as dependent, the conception that this dependence derives from the relations of an external domination of “imperialist capital” which oppresses and prevents self-sufficiency. saying “national bourgeoisie” to develop. Development must be done in alliance with “national entrepreneurs” directed towards overcoming dependence through industrialization. This “developmental theology” goes back, in truth, to the end of the Second World War with the foundation of CEPAL. But if during the 1960s it became clear that the strategy of Brazilian big capital was to become transnational - something done during the years of the assertion of the neoliberal doctrine (1990/2020), the crisis of reproduction of capital promoted a deep process de-industrialization. Part of the big Brazilian capitals finish all aspiration for a third way, the development of which should be in the interest of the great majority of the Brazilian population with distribution of wealth. They merge with large international financial oligopolies.

The impact of Donald Trump's personality and leadership style on u.s. foreign policy was the subject of much speculation upon his arrival at the White House. Will this inexperienced president's unorthodox methods irrevocably transform foreign policy ? Are the institutional and structural constraints of the American society and the international system would hinder the announced revolution ? After four years of a tumultuous presidency, we find that Donald Trump has put in place a histrionic foreign policy that acted on three levels, as a magnifying mirror of the ambiguities, hesitations, and errors of American foreign policy since September 11, 2001. First, a break in tone but a substantive continuity that sent contradictory messages, both within the national security apparatus and in the world, undermining the credibility of the United States ; second, a double crisis – of American identity and of the world order – that impeded compromises ; third, a management of decline focused on both economic competition and political and military disengagement that contributed to international instability and the weakening of American leadership. In this issue, authors analyze these elements of Trump's foreign policy through the prism of various regional and transnational issues.

Keywords: États-Unis, politique étrangère, système international, déclin, Trump, United States, foreign policy, international system, decline, Trump