Documents found
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2742.
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2744.
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2745.
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2746.More information
Japan's foreign policy is often interpreted in light of three contradictory paradigms : weakness, strength, and difference. This leads observers to speak of an « enigma ». The many constraints that weigh down upon Japan and the many views expressed about this country indeed make it a complex object for analysis. By considering a few simple facts, however, we can see that the "strength-weakness" contradiction is chiefly due to inadequacies in the realist theory and its manipulation for political purposes. Without denying the powerful realist reflex that prevails in Japan, this article offers an alternative approach to understanding Japan's relationship with the world. The relationship with the United States, which is the axis of its foreign relations, fulfills all of the "regime's" criteria. An approach based on cognitive interests is hazardous and suggests a new paradigm: a three-circle one. An historical approach reveals the continuity of Japan's positioning as a "regional power" and the constraints that flow from this positioning. Better than the realist approach, a combination of these factors could account for the way Tokyo will manage the current situation brought about by the end of the Cold War and the Asian Crisis.
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2747.More information
The overall recent development of Canadian foreign policy suggests that Canada has kept some elements of its foreign policy intact while substantially changing others. Particularly, in the area of security, Canada seems to have opted for a doctrine that expresses a certain level of scepticism towards what the multilateral order offers in terms of answers to the specific post-cold war challenges. This study is therefore aiming at understanding which institutional strategy Canada pursues in three different occasions : the elaboration of the anti-personnel landmines ban treaty, the resolution of the political crisis in Haiti, and the United Nations Security Council Reform. The analysis is typically a pattern matching that is based on an analytical grid established by Cooper. This framework allows to identify the nature and the scope of a given country's diplomatic action, Canada's and Australia's typical behaviours being considered as ideal-types. As it mil be possible to witness in each of the cases studied, Canada seems to favour a diplomatic action that breaks with its usual stance to defend innovative solutions, which seek to make use of modes of co-operation that go beyond the scope of already existing major international institutions. This tends to confirm that, notwithstanding a certain commitment towards principles that call for a routine form and a universal scope of action, Canada has recently tried to cast its foreign policy on new bases characterized by heroic and concentrated action. We therefore can conclude that, according to Cooper's parameters, Canada leans in fact towards a position closer to Australia's.
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2748.More information
At the end of the First World War, Austria-Hungary has stopped existing. France developed two possible politics facing Austria-Hungary : either its disappearance or its keeping up under a new form. As mentioned in the two Quai d'Orsay memorandums, November 1917 and March 1918, France seems to be favourable to Roland revival and Czecho-Slovakia creation. France also relies on a « Great Romania » formation to create an anti-germanic barrier. Other factors mil also influence French politics : mainly the entry of the United States into war and the Czernin declaration consequences. However, the Armand/Revertera discussions analysis gives prominence to another possible politics : the upholding of the Austria-Hungary counterbalance to Germany. France will even try, by diplomatic manoeuvres at the end of war, to save the Danubian Monarchy through the intervention of Berne's new French ambassador, Paul Dutasta.
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2749.
Les relations économiques entre le Canada et le Mexique dans un contexte d'intégration en profondeur
More informationThe new Canadian-Mexican proximity since NAFTA is not only visible on a commercial basis, but also on a political basis. And everything indicates that bilateral, economic, cultural and, above all, diplomatic relations between these two countries will continue to expand and increase in the future. However, even if in a short period of time these relations had seen, from the Canadian government's perspective, "spectacular" developments, relations between Canada and Mexico will always remain secondary to those that these two countries have separately with their powerful and hegemonic neighbour. Another important issue is that bilateral economic relations between Canada and Mexico are to be seen in the context of a « deep integration » process in the Americas, a framework in which integrative dynamism comes more from corporations than governments. Authors examine bilateral relations between Canada and Mexico from a historical perspective in the first part of the text, and from an economic view in the second. Two conclusions come out of this study. First of all, with regards to commercial and strategic Canadian government objectives, results are quite weak and do not quite reach their expectations. Second, Mexico, so far, has benefited more from this new partnership than Canada, a result that questions the strategy adopted by the Canadian government to assert its values and interests in the Americas.
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2750.