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AbstractIn recent years, several academic and media articles predicted an increased tension in the Arctic fueled by a reported race to maritime spaces and natural resources. In this race, China would try to set itself as a major player. Several analysts place the emphasis on ambitious Chinese projects in the region, and on their destabilizing potential effect. In fact, if indeed the Chinese government seems to be articulating an Arctic policy, nothing warrants the idea that China is on the verge of contesting Arctic countries' claims or is about to try and seize Arctic resources.

Keywords: Chine, Arctique, stratégie, ressources naturelles, changements climatiques, China, Arctic, strategy, natural resources, climate change, China, Ártico, estrategia, recursos naturales, cambio climático

This article examines the way an African geographer, Cheikh Ba, redefined the boundary drawn by the Africanist geography of Paul Pélissier, his mentor. It analyzes the contents of their theses, bibliographies, references included in texts, and correspondences in order to clearly define their epistemic field. It also characterizes the circulation of knowledge and studies their differentiated relationship to colonial and post-colonial political systems and geographical discipline. The findings show that Paul Pélissier and Cheikh Ba respectively spearheaded research for about half a century (from 1951 to 2000) in the two major areas of rural geography in Senegal: agriculture and livestock. Even if both researchers developed similar issues and topics, their approaches in dealing with them are different. Political geography, geopolitics and the difference in scale in terms of space and time are the tokens of rebirth that Cheikh Ba has exemplified as an exclusive African imprint.

Keywords: Sénégal, géographie africaniste, géographie africaine, État, développement, agriculture, élevage, approche terroirs, approche sociale, Senegal, Africanist geography, African geography, State, development, agriculture, breeding, terroirs approach, social approach, Senegal, geografía africanista, geografía africana, Estado, desarrollo, agricultura, ganadería, enfoque terruño, enfoque social

This study explores the role of the Union des Latins d'Amérique (ULA) in the context of the Second World War, paying particular attention to the meaning and influence of the discourse of identity they fostered in their activities. The spokespersons of the cultural association promoted an original take on Quebec's américanité. Throughout the war, they argued that embracing markers of continental identity did not necessarily pose a direct threat to the nation's French and Catholic culture, as hundreds of millions of Spanish – and Portuguese – speakers in the Americas shared with French Canada a common Latin heritage. In doing so, they lobbied to widen the scope of Quebec's international relations, promoting a cultural and political rapprochement with Latin America. Indeed, while the world conflict limited the province's foreign relations to the Anglo-Protestant continent surrounding it, the Union des Latins' position attracted influential political actors from Quebec who met during their activities to familiarize themselves with Latin American culture and examine the geopolitical factors that would favour the survival of the French Canadian nation. The association certainly organized fashionable gatherings that attracted Montreal's petty bourgeoisie. But these happenings also constituted a space where the political future of Quebec could be freely discussed by well-known nationalists alongside influential French Canadian politicians. In fact, the O'Leary brothers, two radical Quebec nationalists who set up the association, collaborated with federalists like T.D. Bouchard to imagine new transnational connections between Latins in the Americas, rallying support from Latin American diplomats in Montreal. The malaise it provoked in Ottawa is revealing of new dynamics emerging in relation with the assertion of a French Canadian voice on the international scene.

While a link between populism and crisis is generally posited, the relationship between these two concepts remains relatively fuzzy. Using data from the 2022 French election survey, this paper examines the effects that the “polycrisis” produced by the combination of the CVID-19 pandemic, the Ukraine war and their economic fallout has had on individual populist voting in the presidential election. The paper finds heterogeneous effects across the main populist candidates, and that the direction of such effects was also conditional on voters' evaluation of government performance. Our findings contribute to the general understanding of the links between populism and crisis. They indicate that voters' interpretation of crises gives particular salience and meaning to them, which then significantly influences their vote.

Keywords: Populisme, crise, vote, élection présidentielle 2022, France, Populism, Crisis, Voting, 2022 Presidential Election, France

<p>La transcription des symboles et des caractères spéciaux utilisés dans la version originale de ce résumé n’a pas été possible en raison de limitations techniques. La version correcte de ce résumé peut être lue en PDF.</p>L&#x27;utilisation actuelle de l&#x27;énergie repose principalement sur des combustibles fossiles non renouvelables et polluants, ce qui entraîne des conséquences non durables sur les plans sociétal, économique, géopolitique et environnemental. L&#x27;exploitation de l&#x27;énergie solaire est l&#x27;une des sources d&#x27;énergie renouvelable les plus prometteuses pour répondre à la demande énergétique mondiale, qui ne cesse de croître. Les cellules solaires, qui convertissent directement l&#x27;énergie solaire en électricité par l&#x27;effet photovoltaïque (PV), ont été considérées comme l&#x27;une des technologies les plus propres et les plus prometteuses pour résoudre les problèmes énergétiques actuels. Depuis …