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This article focuses on queer, trans and black performances on the Brazilian music scene, situating them in the contemporary socio-political context of this country.

Keywords: Genre, Études culturelles, Genre, Cultural studies, Performance, Performance, Brésil, Brazil, Intersectionality, Intersectionnalité, queer worldmaking, Queer worldmaking

ABSTRACTOur lack of knowledge on the production of population estimates in France's colonial empire is in sharp contrast to the efforts of British authorities after 1940. To understand this "omission," we have to assess the numerous oppositions existing within the French colonial state: oppositions between the various administrative levels, between administrative tasks and technical functions, and between the colonial system and the rest of the international community. In demography as in many other areas, metropolitan France's institutional and operational structures were imposed on overseas administrators, with the notable particularity that the process of counting acquired preeminence over methodological concerns. Then, after the first memoranda of 1904 and 1909, colonial census-taking activities were inexorably merged with everyday administrative tasks: taxation, justice, policing, etc. This shift clearly influenced the form and function of demographic knowledge in French West Africa (AOF). The development of classification categories, estimation methods and legislation (especially regarding vital statistics) was all negatively affected by such pressures. The latent opposition between administrators and technicians was thus fueled by frequent contradictions between annual census statistics and the results of sampling surveys after 1954. We conclude with a mixed assessment of attempts to amass demographic knowledge and especially of the influence such knowledge actually had on decision-making.

The notion of public space, as it has been notably developed by Jürgen Habermas, appears problematic today. In the context of the continental integration of the Americas, the application of this notion calls for considerations regarding the transformations that societies have undergone since the development of mass democracy. It is possible to reconsider this notion today by focusing on this point, as well as on the new continental context, in relation to a general reference to the cultural hybridity of the Americas and the forms of political power that emerge in a continental community. Although numerous problems persist for the configuration of such a continental public space, the prospects for its theoretical and practical development are equally present. This idea will be developed here.

AbstractThe events of 9/11 and afterwards appear to reinforce realism as the dominant theory of international relations. 9/11 demonstrated the continuing dangers of anarchic international society, realists believe, and showed that sovereign states must continue to guard their own interests, using military force as an essential means to maintain security. Post-realists agree that realism's cognitive simplicity fits the perceived crisis of 9/11. At the same time, post-realism suggests that political action is more complex and dynamic than realism believes. The attack from Al Qaeda did not come from another state, and the military responses in Afghanistan and Irak did not demonstrably weaken it. Post-realism emphasizes the importance of multiple perspectives, interpretations, and meanings – realist and non-realist – for developing a critical understanding of international relations. As one example, this paper includes an account of us imperialism, identifiable through discursive analysis as a distinctive cultural formation. Though the single, simple viewpoint of realism may seem compelling, post-realism suggests that seeing the world through multiple frames is likely to produce more prudent strategies in world politics.

Keywords: Loisir, intégration, nouveaux arrivants, Montréal

Bateson's "Eurêka" has been his application of Russell and Whitehead's theory of types to the social sciences. They had postulated a discontinuity between the levels of the members of a class and a class of classes and so on. Hence a class may not be a member of itself. The cat scratches and the word "cat" does not bite. Confusion between levels, or the signifier and the signified, or the map and the territory, or the menu and the meal, is a sign of disorder. Having been introduced to Bateson's ecology, Anthony Wilden has formulated a theory of contexts, already present in "System and Structure". In order to avoid simplicity through the flattening of social and organic levels into inorganic levels of matter-energy, the theory of contexts suggest the organisation of constraints, complexites, or levels of reality into levels of logical types, using the rule of extinction. It goes on to suggest the use of the rule of commutation to eliminate spurious similarities and inappropriate symmetries which lead to oppositions and Imaginary "contradictions". It is suggested to use Korzybski and Hayakawa's rule of communication in order to get over conflicts due to misperception. To illustrate all of this, we propose to dismanthe the processes which have led to the misunderstanding behind the first Indochinese war of 1946-1954. From one misunderstanding to another, the VPA (Vietnam People's Army), in the 1980's, mobilised at the Kmer-Siamese border, at the door of Thailand who since 1939 has claimed to be the land of the Thais and heir to the Champa empire which was established in 192 and, soon after 1471, was dissolved by the "gnawing" of the Vietnamese peasants in their "long march" towards the South. The most revolting of working, conjugal and international disputes is that which emerge from misperceptions where each party is convinced of its own good will and of the foul bad will of the other. A mutual consent regarding the context, that of metacommunication, may lead to a common signification (consensus) of beings, events and objects.

Latin American regionalisms are now facing a period of crisis. Mercosur and Unasur are paralyzed, largely due to the crises in Venezuela and Brazil. The Andean Community of Nations is also facing strong competition from the Pacific Alliance and the effects of its past management mistakes (financial and strategic). In the face of these upheavals due primarily to profound changes on the national scenes caused by shifting politics and political and/or economic crises, Central America and its regional initiatives appear less affected by the risks facing the southern continent. In this article, we explain the nature and recent transformations of regionalism in Central America.

Keywords: régionalisme, Amérique centrale, pragmatisme, convergence, Système d'intégration centraméricain, Sica, regionalism, Central America, pragmatism, convergence, Sica, regionalismo, América Central, pragmatismo, convergencia, SICA

The purpose of this paper is to examine this assumption — that size and power makes a difference to the definition of the utility of economic sanctions. It examines as a case study the employment of Canadian sanctions against Vietnam. The paper will argue that this case demonstrates that, for a non-great power, the utility of economic sanctions is rarely limited to the usual objectives attributed to, and derived from the experience of, great power s: exercising power against the 'targef' state or signalling one's power to other states in the system. Instead, it will argue that for a middle power like Canada, the use of sanctions becomes inextricably bound to foreign policy-maker s perceptions of the politics of coalition obligations ; and of the imperatives and constraints of bilateral relations with the major power s.

This special issue showcases some contributions presented during the symposium “Arctic policies in perspective” which was held at Sciences Po, in Paris, on December 18 and 19, 2019. These two days of discussions aimed at shedding light on the Arctic in a context of the international development of the region, where the signs of cooperation are always vibrant, as indicated by the signing of the moratorium to ban fishing in the central Arctic Ocean. At the same time, weak signals would indicate an increase in security tensions with the jamming of the gps disrupting civil aviation in the Barents region or the return of the United States Navy to Iceland. Far from an image of a unified, frozen and exotic space, the Arctic is now being recognized as a space at the heart of international relations. This special issue is therefore dedicated to discussing and reflecting on the diversity of these Arctic worlds, based on innovative and transdisciplinary research. The links between different prisms of analysis - geographic, strategic, historical, political science - make it possible to see in the Arctic Ocean and the circumpolar territories a space particularly sensitive to the recomposition of the international political scene as to the climatic upheavals which modify singularly this vulnerable region.

Keywords: Arctique, politique, gouvernance, acteurs non arctiques, Arctic, politics, governance, non-Arctic actors