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In 2015, France recognized hematological malignancies, including non-Hodgkin's lymphoma (NHL), as an occupational disease resulting from pesticide exposure. The IARC of the WHO then declared glyphosate and glyphosate-based herbicides to be genotoxic and probably carcinogenic. In the United States, 125,000 American victims of NHL attributed to Bayer-Monsanto's Roundup have filed lawsuits against the company, while 2.5 million pages of declassified internal documents, the Monsanto Papers, illustrated the incredible manipulations to conceal Roundup’s dangers and to subvert the evaluation and regulatory systems. After three costly convictions, Bayer-Monsanto signed a partial out-of-court settlement of $11 billion and withdrew Roundup from the U.S. domestic market. The structural increase in pesticides, from 2.3 to 4.1 million tons from 1990 to 2018, contributing to the 385 million cases per year of serious and unintentional poisoning, and their threatening impacts on the climate, biodiversity and planetary limits, require going beyond the compensation of certain diseases to highlight the responsibilities of producing firms, regulatory bodies and public authorities : This is the core of this article focused on glyphosate-based herbicides (HBC), the first pesticides in the world, in Canada and Quebec and their links with certain cancers, including non-Hodgkin's lymphoma (NHL).

Keywords: Herbicides à base de glyphosate, Glyphosate-based herbicides, santé, health, travail, labor, politiques publiques, and public policy

SummaryParadoxically, if the ideal of communication has been one of the most important generator as well as a major by-product of the United States' history, as American media get more and more sophisticated and spued over the world, such an ideal is thrown away, joepardized, denounced, and sometimes, hijacked by Third World countries in order to fulfill their own ideological purposes. In industrialized as well as rapidly developing societies in Europe and Asia, this American ideology of communication is astutely salvaged as contextual information for decision making by strategists involved against the United States on the international economic scene.

To attack the rules is to outmaneuver the friends and foes at the lower level of the game of policies and alliances. The rules are at the higher level of the context of that game, the historical and cultural context of warring Viet Nam. What makes Viet Nam unique is its social organization based on a loosely knitted network of villages through deep and strong relations capable of repelling intruders and invading neighbors, both moving and still like the moon underneath. Here, the chinese civilization has made a new nation assimilating the model and resisting the domination. Elsewhere, the be same chinese civilisation has made another chinese provinces. History of Viet Nam is written by an advancing front of modest and primitive villages from a delta to the next, from the gulf of Tonkin to the gulf of Siam, « vietnamizing » the nature and the peoples on its passage by the plow and the sword. South Viet Nam was cambodian land a century ago and the french colonial administration put an end to the siamese-vietnamese « condominium » over Cambodia after a short 0 to 0 fight between Siam and Viet Nam, the first claiming its western part of the vietnamese colony de facto and de jure. Cambodia was then ruled by a vietnamese general governor assisted by two lieutenant governors. The present vietnamese occupation of Cambodia, in this perspective, may be both a « prelude » to the continuation of this advancing front of villages, the confrontation between Viet Nam and Thailand (fancy and hegemonostic name for Siam since 1939) for the leadership of South East Asia and a « fugue » for warring Viet Nam to solve its political and economical problems, a country and people forged in war and for war during these four decades. The vietnamese claim of the Mekong river as a link may be translated in german word as « Anschluss » or reunification.

Canada, as a country with a small, open economy, faces the immediate challenge of learning to shape dynamic comparative advantage in the emerging international economy. About 75 % of Canada's trade linkages are with the United States, and a very large component of the Canadian experience of « globalization » is driven by North American economic integration. This integration is taking place in the absence of institutions and policy mechanisms to promote and manage science, technology, and innovation relations on a continental scale. Bilateral s & T arrangements centered on the United States presently characterize the North American innovation System. Circumstances in North America pose three sets of challenges to Canadian s & T policy. 1) Science and technology are increasing in importance in international trade, environmental, and social/cultural matters. This means that Canada must learn to improve its management of an increasingly internationalized domestic s & T System. 2) Canada must cultivate mutually beneficial bilateral s & T relationships with its two partners in NAFTA, Mexico and the United States. 3) Canada must identify where its interests lie in the development and governance of trilateral and international rules and arrangements for science, technology, and innovation.

AbstractIn this article, we argue that biopolitical sovereignty and the political theory about the state of exception, often derived from the thought of Carl Schmitt, are not sufficient analytical indicators if we seek to understand the politics of global utility of bodies, control over life or the living, and abusive authority and violence that appear to dominate International Relations practices today. To better capture the singularity of the international present, we suggest that an Arendtian political theoretical approach, more carefully tuned to the politics and policies of absolute or totalitarian violence and terror, is necessary. By revisiting Arendt's thought about violence and political agony, we reconceptualize sovereign practices as matters of « agonal sovereignty ».

Keywords: souveraineté, biopolitique, Schmitt, souveraineté agonale, exception, sovereignty, biopolitics, Schmitt, agonal sovereignty, exception

This study covers the one-year period since the first election of the European Assembly by universal suffrage, the results of which were rather misleading. The authors attempt to elaborate a conceptual framework capable of analyzing empirically the programs and ideological stands of the parties in the Strasbourg Chamber as they have evolved since the election. As a point of reference, the analysis has recourse to three socio-political cleavages which were observable throughout late European history or tend to appear in the modem context of political life; these include the divisions between 1) "bourgeois" and working class parties; 2) europeanist versus nationalist parties, and 3) industralist (or productivist) as opposed to "ecological" party formations. A detailed examination of both the interventions of euro-deputies in Assembly debates, and data recorded in several interviews with some deputies during this first year of their mandate, reflects not only the existing constellations of power and party alliances within the Assembly that reaffirm themselves on specific issues, but also the potential coalitions which may arise due to the rapidly changing political scene. These new coalitions, which tend to form more easily among members of different parties who share common interests with regard to social and economic issues, may eventually serve to overcome the traditional ideological divisions among parties. In terms of the near future, it doesn't matter so much whether the Euro-right or the Euro-left will succeed in imposing its majority in the Assembly, but whether the European Parliament itself, as an institution, will be able to demonstrate that it can have an effective and more representative voice in the formulation of EEC policies.

Analyses et middle or « lesser » powers, unlike those of great and small powers, have not secured a distinctive place in the international politics literature and have generally not contributed to or borrowed from contemporary theoretical developments. The present study examines the foreign policy behavior of a lesser power (Canada) with an interrelated set of hypotheses drawn from theories explaining behavior as a function of the attributes of targets and actors. The four « relational » attributes employed here are status, salience, similarity, and proximity. Quantitative measures for these relational factors and for five categories of Canadian behavior across 51 (Canada to x) dyads are developed with particular attention being paid to questions of empirical-theoretical fit. Correlational analysis reveals many of the relational attributes and indicators explain a significant amount of variation in the behavior measures. Greater status, salience and proximity generally lead to more frequent Canadian activity. Status differences are particularly strongly related to all five types of dyadic behavior. Similarity appears a less influential factor. A further partial correlation analysis suggests that for Canada the relational attributes are interrelated with each other and with behavior in a patterned way. Greater proximity leads to increased salience, as do greater status and similarity. In turn, greater salience, status and similarity all lead to more frequent behavior of most types. These results tend to support some and refute other general hypotheses about target-actor attributes and behavior, and perhaps suggest some particular features of lesser power activity.

Since the seventies the People's Republic of China has undergone an impressive and successful effort of industrialization and economic development. While millions of Chinese were getting rid of extreme poverty and while the country was becoming the world's second largest economic power, this development came at a cost: natural resources have been intensively overexploited, energy consumption has reached new heights and the natural environment has paid a steep price. Since the turn of the century, the Chinese government has started to acknowledge the need to tackle these negative impacts of rapid development. Sustainability has emerged as a major concept in terms of energy policy in the PRC and since 2007 Beijing has formally included it inside its growth objectives. In March 2011, the XIIth Five-Year Plan has stressed the need to build a sustainable and environmentally aware society. This commitment has been followed by several regulations aiming towards the evolution of the Chinese economic model energy system reducing its consumption of fossil fuels and depending more and more on renewable and green energy sources, while maintaining a high growth rate. This ambitious objective faces huge challenges such as the geopolitical impacts of China's energy policy and the current lack of innovation experienced by the country in terms of energy technologies. To address these issues, Beijing has developed an international cooperation strategy based of two concepts: « go global » et « bringing in », while being extremely firm in defending its interests at the international level. The Chinese green revolution seems quite real and huge progresses have been recorded in terms of developing renewable energies (such as solar, wind or hydropower). Water, air, and soil pollution are still major issues, “green energies” remain far from providing a reliable alternative to coal and oil, while the discordance between energy production and energy consumption sites inside China strongly diminishes the efficiency of the country's efforts. There is an undeniable political will to develop a new and more sustainable and energy-friendly economic model in the PRC, though. The next decade will thus be vital for China's economic and environmental future.

Keywords: transition énergétique, développement durable, hydroélectricité, énergies vertes, pollution, Chine, Energy transition, sustainable development, hydropower, green energy, pollution, China