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Ce mémoire explore les dynamiques de l’impérialisme français au Sénégal durant le long 19e siècle à travers une perspective néomarxiste axée sur les relations sociales de propriété. Il démontre que l’impérialisme français de cette époque ne peut être réduit au stade suprême du capitalisme. L’analyse révèle que l’impérialisme français s’est initialement caractérisé par un empire de commerce reposant sur des mécanismes extraéconomiques, avant de subir vers 1870 une transformation vers une forme capitaliste extraéconomique sous l’effet de la transition tardive au capitalisme industriel en France. Cette transition fut alimentée par la persistance d’une géopolitique prémoderne, dont les principes furent reproduits lors du partage de l’Afrique. Dans le dernier quart du 19e siècle, le commerce colonial au Sénégal, initialement spéculatif, s’est transformé en une phase de …

Green industrial policy has recently emerged as a key strategy in tackling climate change. This type of climate policy is not entirely new. It has been used implicitly in the past to develop green technologies. But today, governments are using this strategy more explicitly and visibly to achieve economic, environmental and geopolitical objectives. This short article aims to introduce some elements of this new generation of green industrial policies. It presents the new rationale for this type of climate policy, explores some of the challenges posed by past experiences, and outlines some guidelines to advance robust green industrial policy.

Keywords: Politique industrielle verte, politique climatique, décarbonation, géopolitique, Green industrial policy, climate policy, decarbonization, geopolitics

Le Projet GAP ou «South-East Anatolia Development Project » en Turquie est l'un des vastes projets de développement au monde, consistant en la construction de 21 barrages et de 19 centres hydro-électriques sur les fleuves de l'Euphrate et du Tigre. Toutefois, ce projet pose de nombreuses controverses au cours de la dernière décennie tant au niveau national, avec la question kurde, qu'au niveau régional, en raison de l'enjeu du partage de l'eau avec les pays voisins, notamment la Syrie et l'Irak. Néanmoins, ce sujet fut évoqué dans la plupart des cas sous l'angle exclusif de la question conflictuelle kurde. Les objectifs de mon mémoire cherchent à comprendre l’utilisation du projet GAP par le gouvernement turc dans les constructions nationales et politiques de la Turquie de …

The tricentennial of the death of Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville provides the opportunity to reflect upon the meaning and significance of commemorations. Through an examination of this historical figure and the manner by which he has struck the collective imagination, one discovers that this “heritage site” is also a “heritage knot” (P. Nora): a complex recollection contested by several generations of historians and politicians. Already legendary in the eighteenth century, this controversial individual continues to disturb many minds and to crystallize still tangible tensions to this day whether these involve the interpretation given to his death or his “re-birth” in toponymy or the naming of Canadian vessels. Since d'Iberville was born in New France but died in Cuba, is he part of France's or Canada's heroic past? Can Quebecers of today identify with him while Canadians are trying to appropriate him (even though he fought against England) ? Such are some of the questions raised by this study which demonstrates d'Iberville's power to conquer and captivate our imagination.

For a decade now, the island of Corsica has gradually been initiated into a minor form of para-diplomacy. This para-diplomacy is recognized and affirmed in official documents and policy programs that are produced with regard to the island. A strong determination, as attested by adoption of the update to Corsica's development plan, is gradually emerging within the context of reform to Europe's regional policy and the creation of a Euro-Mediterranean entity. Thus, the external relations that the « Corsican » authorities are trying to develop may be illustrated by the linked rings on the Olympic flag. For the time being, two axes are being favoured. The first axis stems from a European policy. Using a top-down approach, INTERREG is involved with the province of Livorno (Tuscany), Corsica, and the province of Sassari (Sardinia). There is thus taking shape a North-South link that is helping to tie peripheral insular areas to the « decision belt. »The second axis flows from a bottom-up approach by the political authorities of the three island entities of the western Mediterranean: the Balearic Islands, Sardinia, and Corsica. This insular neo-corporatism is creating a common demand-making entity that is affecting, in turn, the statuses of the three island entities.

AbstractTo understand that the socio-political context in which Kant developed his “Perpetual Peace” was marked by the existence a plurality of forms of sovereignty and social property regimes can lead to a more rigorous understanding of the nature of his republicanism. In turn, it allows us to identify certain blind spots in Kant's theorization of nascent modernity. After having pointed to the chrono-fetishism of contemporary democratic peace theory, this article proposes a reinterpretation of the Kantian project based on the examination of the socio- political of the late 18th century. The conclusion outlines a tentative theorization of an alternative conceptualization of the democratic peace that takes into account the uneven and combined development of capitalism during the 19th century.

Keywords: Emmanuel Kant, sociologie historique, paix, guerre, souveraineté, Immanuel Kant, historical sociology, peace, war, sovereignty