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This paper focuses on the recent political spars between Canada and Saudi Arabia as well as China and their impact on Canadian universities. It asks three questions: (1) What key issues did Canada’s political strains with Saudi Arabia and China raise for Canadian universities’ international education (IE) initiatives and what issues were absent? (2) What do these key issues suggest about Canada’s approaches to IE in an era of new geopolitics? and (3) What implications can be drawn from these cases about Canadian university-government relations in the context of new geopolitics? Given the powerful role media plays in education policy, a systematic study was conducted across three main media sources to identify 74 articles and news releases between August 2018 and November 2019. Three dominant themes are identified and analyzed, each vividly illustrating the close ties between global politics, government foreign policy and IE within Canadian Universities. On the one hand, the narratives speak to concerns about IE as a risk to national security and, on the other, as a vehicle for Canada’s economic prosperity. However, what the media has not achieved is a broader discussion on how Canada needs to revisit its IE objectives and approaches in light of broader geopolitical shifts. Using the theoretical framework of soft power, the paper speaks to the limitations and short-sightedness of Canada’s approach to IE as soft power in this era of new geopolitics and concludes with three recommendations for Canada.

Keywords: puissance douce, éducation internationale, géopolitiques, internationalisation, relations internationales, soft power, international education, geopolitics, internationalisation, international relations

Quels sont les indices qui rendent compte de l’existence d’un jeu géopolitique attaché à l’hégémonie biomédicale mondiale ? Est-il possible de faire un lien entre l’omniprésence de la médecine occidentale et la dominance des intérêts pharmaceutiques occidentaux ? Quelles formes de résistance à la toute-puissance alléguée de la biomédecine sont développées à travers la planète et en quoi contribuent-elles à redéfinir les concepts de santé publique et de santé mondiale ? La réponse à ce questionnement a conduit à d’importants bouleversements théoriques et méthodologiques que sont l’explicitation de la division public/privé, le constructivisme, la décolonialité et l’interdisciplinarité. Ils ont conduit le chercheur à prendre ses distances avec des a priori conjoncturels afin de produire une théorie organique de la rencontre entre les médecines du monde. …

The Arctic is back on the European political agenda, under the impetus given by the Finnish Presidency of the European Council. The European Union (eu) has been engaged in the Arctic since 2008 for environmental and geopolitical reasons. Based on a geopolitical method of analysis of eu documents and a series of mapped interviews, this article identifies some of the difficulties of eu's Arctic policy. It examines a dimension rarely studied of eu's action as an Arctic geopolitical actor: its denial of geography. After a review of the different stages of the European Arctic policy, the article analyses eu's geopolitical positioning through these categories: legal institutions and competences, capacity for action, discourse and geographical representation. The article shows, through the case study of the fishing ban, the importance of the spatial articulation of a policy. Applied in general, this could help to formulate a European geopolitical thinking.

Keywords: Union européenne, Arctique, géopolitique, pêche, géographie, gouvernance, Russia, nuclear, disarmament, deterrence, United States, China

Recent developments in the technology of weaponry have brought about a reconsideration of the "geopolitical" importance of Canadian northern spaces to the physical-security interests of the two superpowers, and especially of the United States. Those technological developments have been apparent in three areas : ballistic missile defence (BMD), nuclear-propelled (and sometimes-armed) submarines, and air-launched cruise missiles (ALCM). Both the BMD and nuclear-submarine issues have generated much debate of late in Canada ; considerably less attention has been accorded the analysis of developments in the domain of the ALCM. It is with this latter weapon-system and in particular with the manner in which Washington regards Soviet ALCMs, that this article is concerned. Argued here is the view that the perceived Soviet ALCM threat has been of major importance in the recent modernization of North American air-defence Systems. In addition to discussing the development and consequences of Soviet ALCMs, this article also explores the extent to which technological transformations in weapons-systems might also have the effect of achieving conceptual transformations in strategic analysis. A major sub-theme of the article is the contention that technological variables have been occasioning a reconsideration of the manner in which theorists of international relations and strategic studies have been assessing the relationship between geographical configuration and the perceived strategic significance of states. The article observes that the once-moribund field of "geopolitics" has been undergoing a modest revival among theorists, in part because of changes in those weapons technologies in discusses.

Entitlement by southern Québec over former Ungava District is said unquestionable. However, that interpretation is challenged by northern residents through their developing autochthonism. To contribute to an objective evaluation of these opposite ideologies, consideration of six pertinent factors is made, one of these being the Sector Theory. Report of slight consistency in many fields is noticed between laurentian Québec and northern Québec, hence, an undesirable state of intercultural stress. Autochthonous peoples and Southerners are face to face with political matters. Considering unexpected evolution during the last 30 years, perspective are that everything may happen in the near future. To ease tensions, a pluralistic system serving every participatory ethnic group is proposed.

Keywords: Québec du Nord, Québec total, Autochtones, géopolitique, pluralisme, Northern Quebec, Autochthonous Peoples, geopolitics, pluralism

This paper deals with the effects of climate change, both on geopolitics and economics of islands. Unlike continental countries, climate change is a factor structuring the island states. Since 1990, the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) has been heavily involved in advocacy towards the reduction of the green house gas emissions. This includes the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol. The island states consider themselves as the first and main victims of climate change. The cost to their economies would be significantly higher than over continental countries. Two costs can be indentified : a) the direct costs resulting from natural hazard, including rising sea levels and coastal erosion associated with it, b) the indirect costs linked with the measures taken at international level to fight against climate change. These measures lead the geographical distance as the main driver of the logic of business location. Two main results may occur : a) a general reduction of the global demand for island products, including tourism goods and services, b) a fierce competition between the islands to attract this reduced demand. We then witness the marginalization of island economies which cannot position itself in niche markets at global and regional scales. Thus the rural drift and international migration should increase. The reorganization of the island economics and territories are sustainable processes that are part of the long time. In contrast, the Copenhagen summit showed that the political structuration of island states on the international scene is a fragile process. A few months after the summit, AOSIS is still very weak. The future of the islands is definitely under stress of climate change and it looks bleak.

Keywords: changement climatique, États insulaires, AOSIS, viabilité, vulnérabilité, climate change, island states, AOSIS, viability, vulnerability

It is generally accepted that maritime strategy, which has never ceased to be one of the main concerns of the American strategists since 1898, has contributed significantly to the changes which have occurred in strategic thought since 1981, and that it has an influence on the evolution of the Atlantic Alliance. In this study, an attempt is made to full the gaps in the thoughts on US maritime strategy by focussing on an analysis of the debate as revived by the 1982 war in the Malvinas although such debate was current under the Carter administration; a debate which has attracted very little attention, if any, from those who have been studying the question of expenditures in Europe. It opposes two of the main schools of thought in strategy, namely the maritimist and the coalitionist.