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Histories of contemporary development control tend to situate its beginning in the first or second decade of the twentieth century, when modern zoning bylaws were adopted. Yet, as some researchers have pointed out, building and land-use regulations took shape in the nineteenth century and even earlier. This paper focuses on controls set by the City of Toronto between 1834, when it was incorporated, and 1904, when it adopted bylaw no. 4408, which is seen by many as the first step taken by the city toward modern zoning. In technical terms, it appears that a coherent, though minimal, apparatus of land-use regulation was already in place by the 1860s. Over the course of the nineteenth century, building codes and nuisance laws display the growing intervention of public authorities in the development of the industrial city. Municipal control over material production and over human activity diversifies and finds expression in increasingly complex ordinances. In political terms, the bylaws reveal a growing concern with socio-spatial differentiation and with the protection of property values rather than with health and safety. The incremental development of land-use regulation suggests that, even though North American cities borrowed from each other and from their European counterparts, they constructed zoning locally, in accordance to local needs, resources, and constraints (economic, political, and legal) and in a piecemeal fashion, one bylaw, one amendment at a time.

AbstractAs all objects of sociological analysis, the city possesses a dual character as the product of the historical development of social action and as an objective framework, (i. e., made objective socially) of integration and structuration of action. The transformation system by which such an object can be defined in its specificity then takes the form of a methodological reconstruction of the social process which produced it. The only general categories which can be brought to bear in this reconstruction are not properties of the object, but •" modes of operation " of this historical process. This " dialectical " point of view is here applied to the construction of a typology of the principal historical forms of the city, where the relationships between the different types are mediated by the relationship which each urban form has with corresponding types of society (modes of historical production),

This article aims to demonstrate that despite the international community's best efforts to eradicate slavery and slavery-like practices, such as forced labour, these phenomenons are still on the rise today. It will be shown that sweatshop conditions, in the worst of cases, fit the definition of modern forms of slavery and slavery-like practices. Moreover, it will be demonstrated that voluntary measures adopted by multinational corporations are insufficient and more coercive measures need to be taken. Indeed, as submitting workers to sweatshop conditions can amount to the committing of an international crime, corporations and Corporate Executive Officers engaging in these practices should be prosecuted for doing so. This article seeks to demonstrate that the eradication of sweatshops could be achieved by using concepts developed by international criminal law. Additionally, other countries could adopt national measures (like the U.S.A.'s ATCA and RICO) in order to avoid problems raised by corporate structure, as well as adequately compensate the victims of sweatshop labour.

In this paper, the author revisits some debated or scarcely explored issues regarding the field of kinship and of social organization among the Wayuu of the Guajira peninsula (Northern Colombia and Venezuela). He takes as a starting point the disagreement between Goulet and Saler on the existence and the place that descent categories and groups hold in the Wayuu social world, supporting the latter's view that they can be grasped not only in myths about the origin of Wayuu society but also in the several ways and concepts that refer to the common uterine ancestry of a group of relatives as well as to the processes of development, reproduction and subdivision of matrilineal descent groups. In the second part of the paper, he deals with a number of questions posited by the ethnographic information about Wayuu kinship terminology: the differences existing among scholars' reports, the availability of different terminological options both to address or to refer to a same kin-type, the interpretation of the social correlates of its Crow-type features. He argues that most of these issues require to undertake, along with an ethnographical approach, a diachronic as well as historic approach in the study of Wayuu social organization.

Keywords: Wayùu, parenté, ascendance, terminologies crow-omaha, sociétés autochtones des basses-terres d'Amérique du Sud

Even a summary and partial investigation of the immense literature that has been devoted to Michel Foucault reveals that it is largely based on a decontextualization of his work. In order to contextualize it, I will defend three arguments: 1) the rejection of “dialectical thought”, of which phenomenology is the most recent case according to Foucault, must be considered as structuring all his work, from Madness and civilization to The History of sexuality and to the 1979 course devoted to liberalism and neoliberalism. 2) This posture constitutes a position taken with regard to the principles that structure modernity. To dialectical thought, Foucault first opposes what he designates as the “thought from the outside” (“pensée du dehors”), which corresponds to what Hegel designated as “mere understanding” (“pensée de l'entendement”) in that it posits the existence of irreducible and unsurpassable oppositions. The paradigmatic example of what Hegel also designates as the thought of “either/or” is given from the start of Foucault's work: either unreason (of which madness is a case), or reason. What is therefore rejected is the possibility of a synthesis or a reconciliation between the contradictory elements which modernity inherits (for example between the idea of totality and that of freedom), which characterizes, according to Foucault, dialectical thought in its various versions, Hegelian, Marxian and phenomenological. 3) This stance on dialectical thought and modernity allows us to situate Foucault in the immediate context in which his work unfolded: firstly the critique of colonization, then “post ‘68 leftism”, and finally what we can designate as “post-leftism”. This contextualization sheds light at least in part on the reception to which it has been subjected.