Documents found
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221.More information
In France different institutional and cultural obstacles did not prevent the civil society from expressing itself in vigorous writings, even if the State pretends to be the only one able to impose its views in a one-to-one relation in this field. It is possible to distinguish three different periods in the history of petitions. The first, from the end of the nineteenth century to 1918, was defined by the deformation, by ideological excess of serious debates on a threatened or destroyed heritage (reaction, confusion of aesthetic and political systems, antidericalism, xenophobic nationalism). The second one, from 1920's to 1930s, was marked by the development of heritage lobby concerned with modernism : it did not only want to defend the city (especially Paris) against racketeer property business, but to promote a new urban scheme. As for the artistic avant-guard, it was hostile to heritage, assimilated to an attachment to the past. In the last period studied, from 1960's to 1980's, a new heritage front was developed, larger and more anti-establishment than the latter, notably during the now famous "Bataille des Halles" (against the destruction of the old glass-covered market built by Baltard). Nowadays, battles for old stones are no longer the domain of French intellectuals, but of local users of Heritage.
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"Traditional History" and "new History": Lucien Febvre's Assessment of the Struggle between the two In this text, Lucien Febvre is called upon not so much. to analyse historiography between the wars as to explain the challenges and factors involved in the confrontation between two forms of history: traditional history and a new type of history oriented towards synthesis. The main interest of this : text lies in recalling : that, immediately after the end of World War I, L. Febvre began taking actions in view of "re-politicising" the social sciences, focusing on redefining the discipline in scientific terms and reformulating the social function of history. His critical action must be grasped in this especially his polemical reports against Charles Seignobos who was neither his sole, nor even his favourite, target.
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Art and the State at the beginning of the Third Republic or, On the conditions for the impossibility of policy formation. There were major obstacles to achieving a policy on the arts at the beginning of the Third Republic: the hostility of the artists themselves, the unstable position of politicians and civil servants, and the lack of clear-cut administrative organization. In a process in which each of these three elements was both the cause and effect of the other two, the hesitation of government agents and institutional instability laid the foundation for what had produced them: the representation of an irreconcilable antagonism between art and the state built by artists.
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SummaryBy focusing on Femina Prize, this work takes into account the difficult commitment of the women writers to the French literary field in the xxth century. The Femina Prize has been chosen as the scene of conflicting tensions. If it was devoted to the recognition of the female gender, victim of exclusion, it is today subject to economic reality of the cultural industry which developped along the century. This work relates thus the history of this entity, its links with the female press of the beginning of the century, without hiding the crises and the difficulties which mark out its history. The enquiry comprising interviews with Femina prizewinners and jury members confirms through the answers the questionable condition of the women writers.
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The article questions the link between individuals and society and the ideas of psychological causality set out by Durkheim in Suicide, and puts them into historical perspective, considering previous readings and the critical revisionist perspective by Halb- wachs in 1930. First, we consider the ways in which Durkheim interpreted psychiatric theories which explained social facts through individual pathology. We then show that this Durkheimian construction involves the rejection of individual motive and replaces it by a different psychological interpretation which is based on socially determined unconscious mechanisms. We underline the fact that this theoretical construction had several difficulties even in relation to the empirical findings of the period and that it leads us to question the Durkheimian typology of suicide. Finally, we consider the way in which, some 30 years later, Halbwachs was able largely to resolve these difficulties by abandoning the theoretical axioms which Durkheim had placed at the heart of sociological analysis.