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Based on a qualitative survey carried out in France at the local level, this article examines the intertwined rationalities involved in the work carried out by local radicalization prevention units (CPRAF). The hypothesis of the securitization of social work and the mental health sector is re-examined. Specifically, this article demonstrates that the logic of securitization has not limited itself to the enlistment of social and mental health actors in the detection of people constituted as threats to security and public order. Instead, this logic involves a blurring of professional mandates within these partnerships. The preventive control of “at-risk” populations and the educational or therapeutic support offered to so-called vulnerable individuals tend to overlap and reinforce one another, thereby transforming the traditional function of care.

A feminist migration configuration is examined through the lens of a women's group created in 2019 as part of a collective supporting undocumented migrants in a French city. The materialist feminist approach and the ethnographic relationship are first analyzed by incorporating intersectional and decolonial considerations. Based on interviews and observations, the author shows that exposure to violence in migration contexts is the subject of « individual » resistance and « feminist » experiences prior to the women's group. He then traces how the group became divided by a racialized division of activist labor, a withdrawal of activist supporters in expressing violence, and a heterogeneous relationship to the women' class position and mainstream feminism. Finally, the author details the group's innovations in activist work and the effects of non-mixed gender groups. A group of undocumented African women crystallized and shifted the lines of gender/race divisions within the mixed collective.

Keywords: femmes sans-papiers, féminisme matérialiste, groupes de femmes, résistances minoritaires, violences envers les femmes

Cette thèse explore les ramifications et les enjeux de l’exotisme lorsqu’il prend forme au cinéma. Elle pose pour hypothèse de départ que le cinéma a non seulement participé à forger et à consolider un imaginaire occidental par le biais de l’exotisme, mais qu’il continue de le faire dans le contexte actuel sous de nouvelles formes. À partir d’une lecture postcoloniale de différentes œuvres, nous nous posons deux questions principales. La première : selon quelles modalités le cinéma peut-il être pensé conjointement avec l’exotisme ? La seconde : quelles sont les dynamiques à l’œuvre dans les films pour construire/déconstruire les « autres » et les « ailleurs » non occidentaux ? Suivant ces interrogations, nous revisitons certaines périodes clés de la production cinématographique occidentale (à la …

This article examines attitudes toward Mali's 2023 constitutional reform of language policy, which replaced French as the official language with thirteen national languages. The analysis is based on a corpus of 1,003 comments posted on X. The findings highlight broad support for the transitional president, Assimi Goïta, as well as an emphasis on national sovereignty and Pan-Africanism. Somewhat surprisingly, language is not the central theme of the discussions, yet the comments nonetheless reveal both a rejection of French, due to its colonial associations, and concerns about the fair representation of national languages. After the adoption of the new Constitution, language issues become more marginal, though some criticisms persist regarding the continued use of French in official communications, accompanied by calls to strengthen the status of national languages.

An actor of modernization in the 19th century, and a symbol of the fight for national liberations, and of sovereignty after the independences, the Constitution has never ceased to be instrumentalized by the leaders in the republican Arabic countries such as Tunisia, Egypt and Algeria, to the point of being reduced, in itself as well as in the principles that it represents, to just a "symbol". Instead of being a way of limiting the power of the leaders, it has been transformed by them into an "instrument of power" (specifically by interfering with the process of elaboration of the Constitution, by way of exercising exceptional powers, and mainly by the constant revisions of the Constitutions). This situation has led to the failure of constitutionalism, and has been one of the causes of the current revolts of the Arabic peoples.

Keywords: Constitution, droit constitutionnel, histoire constitutionnelle, Algérie, Égypte, Tunisie, Constitution, Constitutional Law, Constitutional history, Algeria, Egypt, Tunisia

The affirmation of the primacy of state justice stems from the idea that there is an integral link between law and state, where the social reality of the law is only that which is assigned to it by the state―an idea that leaves no room for legal pluralism. The presence of international treaties on fundamental rights, and the plurality of norms, rationales and mechanisms of justice have repudiated this idea. State law can no longer ignore other normative orders without undermining principles such as the dignity of actors, and the legitimacy of their personal identity. In this context we intend to assess the reception of Muslim values and norms by central actors in the legitimization of any foreign law: the judges. We study nine judicial decisions in Quebec rendered between 1997 and 2009 about kafálah, a Muslim legal institution to take care of abandoned children.