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AbstractThe volatility of the Canadian electorate has been a notable feature of Canadian electoral politics. Usually this has been explained either by referring to the characteristics of the voter, or the parties, or both. This paper will argue that the Canadian electorate, on the whole, has been rational and consistent in its electoral behavior. The instability in voter choice in 1993 that shattered the party system was party-induced; it was party maneuvering in search of the median voter and "roll-of-the-dice" brokerage politics that eroded the stability of partisanship and voter behavior. This was particularly the case for the Progressive Conservative Party, who between 1984 and 1993 engaged in a form of "imperial overstretch" in order to win and continuously accommodate Quebec. This prevented the Conservatives from making the necessary adjustments during the 1993 campaign once it was clear that the new protest parties were stealing away the party's support base.

This article is an analysis of the relationship between the New Democratic Party of Canada and Québécois nationalist ideas during the time period immediately preceding the 2015 Canadian federal election, when the NDP's popularity in Québec was at a very high point. Using surveys of federal NDP members, potential voters, and Members of Parliament, it quantitatively examines opinions about Québécois nationalism and explores the factors that influence these opinions. It illustrates that, in English Canada, there is a gap between principles and policy in the attitudes of federal NDP members, potential voters, and Members of Parliament when it comes to Québécois nationalism. While these English Canadian NDPers generally accept the principles that the Québécois are a nation and that the federal government should treat Quebec differently when necessary, they are opposed to the policy of allowing the Quebec provincial government to opt out of federal programs with financial compensation. For their part, federal NDP members, potential voters, and Members of Parliament in Quebec are much better at aligning their principles with their policy positions. The conclusion of the article explores the implications of these results for debates within the NDP concerning Canadian federalism and the place of Quebec in Canada.

Keywords: Nouveau Parti démocratique du Canada (NPD), nationalisme québécois, fédéralisme asymétrique, élections fédérales canadiennes, New Democratic Party of Canada (NDP), Québécois nationalism, asymmetrical federalism, Canadian federal election

This article chronicles the brief existence of The Port Arthur Amateur Cinema Society and its attempts to produce three feature-length films, including Canada's first amateur feature-length film, A Race for Ties, in 1929. I argue that the existence and success of such a society in the then remote city of Port Arthur, Ontario, owes as much to the dedication of two people – Dorothea Mitchell and Fred Cooper – as it does to the growing culture of consumerism that was a hallmark of the early twentieth century.

Since the 1800s, the Anicinapek have experienced various epidemics that have left traces in their memory and practices, revived during the confinement of Spring 2020. These traces differ from those left in the chronicles of non-Indigenous authors. Governmental and ecclesiastical authorities thought them to be without resources, knowledge, and effective medicine. From a perspective of decolonizing knowledge, we question the hegemony of the non-Indigenous discourse on the historic epidemics in exploring how the Anicinapek conceptualized the notion of epidemics as well as the practices they deployed. This paper draws primarily on a body of data formed from two types of sources: oral histories collected during longitudinal surveys; and written documents by Anicinapek. By highlighting the emic view, we sketch a picture of the ideological and cosmological foundations of their health care system from the mid-19th century to the 1970s.

Keywords: épidémies, Anicinapek, système de santé, prévention, soins, valeurs, epidemics, Anicinapek, health system, prevention, care, values, epidemias, Anicinapek, sistema de salud, prevención, cuidados, valores

Despite the fact that we may consider the right to association as a fundamental right, the State attempts to control, limit and regulate the formation and actions of associations. The recognition or not of an association as a charitable organism has a great impact on the economic and fiscal benefits which will be attributed to it. This study entails the examination of conditions for the recognition of a charitable organism, and of the battle in the course of the last decade where the State attempted to restrain the recognition of the organism for the reason that it pursued political objectives.

SummaryThe purpose of this article is to highlight the role that Izzat played in the unfolding industrial disputation that emerged at the Toyota plant in Bangalore between 1999 and 2007. Isolated instances contributed to a build-up of employee and community resentment at what was perceived as an attack on Izzat. Behind the events is the attempt to transpose Japanese “lean production and management systems” into an Indian subsidiary where local industrial and cultural conditions were not suitable for the imposition of such practices from headquarters to a subsidiary.The result of the analysis contributes to the understanding of workplace industrial relations (IR) in India and the centrality of Izzat. Within India, the significance of trade unions; the respect of employees; the importance of family and community; the importance of seniority; and the role of respect and honour are factors that multinationals often fail to understand in the design and implementation of their production and HRM systems.The study contributes to the debate over the transferability of standardized HRM policies and practices. MNEs should play a proactive role in supporting the employees of subsidiaries to adjust to and accommodate new paradigms in workplace industrial relations. The aggressive production and HRM practices at the Toyota plant were not compatible with the norms and cultural institutions of the Indian workforce. One of the key implications of this research is that foreign production, organizational and industrial relations systems and practices cannot be transplanted into host-country environments without the due recognition of key cultural conditions, notably Izzat in India.

Keywords: Izzat, India, auto production, workplace conflict, employee resistance, Izzat, Inde, production automobile, conflit industriel, résistance des employés, Izzat, India, producción automotriz, conflicto industrial, resistencia de los empleados

Drawing on evidence from five detalled case studies, this paper focuses on the relationship between technical innovation and non-manual skills and work organization. In none of these cases could the introduction of new technologies simply equate technical innovation with deskilling and enhanced managerial control. Indeed, one of the more interesting and important findings of the research was that technological change has been more favourable for technical than for clerical occupational groups.

This paper examines the case of the United Papermakers and Paperworkers in the province of Quebec and its conflict with the provincially centered Federation nationale des travailleurs de la pulpe et du papier Inc.

SummaryUnder Canada's Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP), migrant workers come to Canada for up to eight months each year, without their families, to work as temporary foreign workers in agriculture. Using a ‘whole worker' industrial relations approach, which emphasizes intersections among work, family and community relations, this article assesses the impacts of these repeated separations on the wellbeing and cohesion of Mexican workers' transnational families. The analysis is based primarily on 74 in-depth, semi-structured interviews that were conducted in Spanish with male workers, their spouses and children, and with the children's teachers. Assessment criteria include effects on children's health and educational success, children's behaviour, mothers' abilities to cope with added roles and work, and emotional relations among workers, children and spouses.The study findings suggest that families are often negatively impacted by these repeated separations, with particular consequences for the mental and physical health of children. Children's behavioural challenges often include poor school performance, involvement in crime, drug and alcohol abuse (especially among sons), and early pregnancies among daughters. As temporary ‘single moms,' wives often have difficulty coping with extra functions and burdens, and lack of support when their husbands are working in Canada. Typically, there are profound emotional consequences for workers and, frequently, strained family relations. The article concludes by offering practical policy recommendations to lessen negative impacts on SAWP workers and their families, including higher remittances; improved access to labour rights and standards; and new options for family reunification.

Keywords: Temporary Foreign Worker Program, labour standards, family cohesion, ‘whole worker' industrial relations, transnational migrant workers and their families, Programme des travailleurs étrangers temporaires, normes du travail, cohésion familiale, relations industrielles du « travailleur intégré », travailleurs migrants transnationaux et leurs familles, Programa de trabajadores temporales extranjeros, estándares laborales, cohesión familiar, relaciones laborales de tipo « trabajador integral », trabajadores migrantes transnacionales y sus familias