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The aim of this article is to restore the logic that structures Belgian-French literary production from the beginnings of independence to the transformation of the unitary state into a federal state that has few equivalents in the world. This terminus ad quem is also the one that sees, in Belgium, the proclamation of belgitude and, in the world, the emergence of literary francophonies. The specifics of the invention of the first francophone literature in the strict sense of the term – and, moreover, of a native francophone world – can be explained by an insufficiently taken into account interplay between the History of an old and recent country, which cannot become a nation-state in the canonical sense of the term, and the relationship(s) with a mother tongue that has become the core of the identity of the great French neighbor. The pas de deux that follows is the subject of these pages.
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The review of the literature suggests that the relationship between democracy and growth is ambiguous. First theoretical studies are divided on the impact of the nature of political regime on growth. Moreover, empirical studies on the issue lead to results that are often confused about the existence of a correlation between the two concepts. The attempt of this study is to test this relationship for a sample of 79 countries over the period 1984-2008 and to integrate the notion of political stability as a companion variable for democracy. This work leads to the following main results : (i) political stability is a key determinant of growth, (ii) the effect of democracy on growth is statistically insignificant in the absence of a stable political framework, (iii) finally, democracy conducted in a politically stable environment has a significantly positive effect on growth.
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One of the most pressing issues affecting the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) of the World Trade Organization (WTO) is the growing number of invocations by Members of the security exceptions enshrined in Article XXI of the 1994 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). The conclusions brought forward by the Panel in the dispute Russia—Traffic in Transit constitute the first WTO interpretation of the GATT security exceptions. The Panel managed to draw a fine line between the imperative of trade liberalization and the protection of Members' essential security interests. In turn, considering amongst others the invocations of the exception to justify tariffs on steel and aluminium by the United States, this first interpretative milestone needs to be examined in its political dimension. Indeed, in reaction to the current instability of the multilateral trading system, the Panel endorsed a stabilizing function, aiming to guarantee the efficiency of the system. As such, the Panel in Russia—Traffic in Transit denied Members full discretion as regards security exceptions, explicitly rejecting a “non-justiciability” scenario. The importance of the Panel's report lies in the argumentative and textual construction thereof, which aims to limit potential abuse as regards Member's invocation of the exceptions at times of instability. To fully appreciate the significance of the report, the article will proceed in three steps. First, an analysis of the arguments brought forward by disputing and third parties in Russia—Traffic in Transit will help to contextualize the conclusions reached by the Panel, which will accordingly highlight the political mechanisms of interpretation underlying the interpretative practice of the DSB's organs. Finally, the notions of judicial activism and the legal weight to be given to the Panel's conclusions in Russia—Traffic in Transit will be examined in relation to ongoing disputes. The growing invocation by Members of security exceptions takes place against the backdrop of numerous challenges affecting the WTO, one of the direst being the paralysis of the Appellate Body as of December 2019.
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The settlement has, among other effects, stimulated the creation of territorial-based institutions. Among them, the “State”, which owns a central place, is sovereign and thanks to this authority, it practices its power on a territory on the population living in it with delimited borders. From then on, the forced mobility of the possible climatic nomad people collides with state borders. Indeed, climatic changes are provoking and will provoke population displacements, either within their country of origin or towards other sovereign territories. International law doesn't provide for any specific regulations related to these climatic migrants. As it happens, looked at from the angle of the countries sovereignty, the population displacements caused by climatic changes concerns the affected countries' authority and the authority of other countries likely to welcome those migrants. Internal population displacements for climatic reasons must respect affected people rights but fall within the sovereign authority of the affected country, with some exceptions. On the contrary, the submerged country sovereignty whose population is taking refuge on other land territories is involved. As for other countries, climatic migrations bring them to define with their own authority a policy regarding those migratory flows and occasionally make them contemplate or proceed to institutional adjustments about the presence of those migrants.
Keywords: migration, climat, souveraineté, droit international, population, territoire, migration, climate, sovereignty, international law, population, territory
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Centrality of Margins and Dynamics of Centres