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AbstractThe eighties mark the Québec government's setting up of a family policy. But all the facts indicate that this policy wavered between a family policy, a birth policy and a population policy. Women's groups and feminists, already reticent in dealing with traditional family and maternity institutions, were possessed with somewhat of an ambivalent attitude towards these policies mostly because of their fear of being trapped and undermined. All in all, it's the will to disseminate their point of view and to defend their interests that motivated women to get involved in these debates. The article concludes by advancing principles that should promote a family policy that is more sensitive to women's interests.

SummaryThis paper strives to make intelligible those public interventions, which, over a period of nearly forty years (1945-1981), have given structure to the relationships between old age and society. State interventions have, for the most part, gravitated around three major axes: retirement, lifestyle, and employment. Approaching this question by bringing together the essential elements of French public policy has made it possible to distinguish three periods, each of which correspond to a different combination of these three dimensions. By recreating the play of antagonistic or complementary social forces responsible for the generation of public interventions in each case, it has been possible to demonstrate that the way issues relating to old age are managed in the public sector reflects, at any particular historical moment, the type of relationship, in perpetual tension and transformation, between the order of the State and the order of social relations. By laying bare the action systems which are at the heart of the development and evolution of policies relating to old age, the author has attempted, in conclusion, to identify some of the mechanisms which have engendered what we refer to today as the crisis of the Welfare State.

The international aspect of electoral consultations is too often neglected by researchers. In the specific case of France, observation shows that international stakes have already played an important role in other circumstances (notably in 1973). In 1978, the confrontation opposing the majority in power and the leftist opposition was played out, in part, on international problems. The defeat of the left has certainly multiple causes ; but the rupture which weakened the opposition occurred, initially, because of questions of foreign policy ; as for the incumbent majority, it found in the continuity of foreign policy its best arguments with public opinion. Just as foreign policy was able to contribute, in a certain way, to electoral results, the latter could have a certain influence on the course of French foreign policy. This case study suggests the need for further comparative research in order to draw up a typology of electoral consultations, according to whether or not they involve an external stake, but also to define more precisely the ambiguous concept of foreign policy — which may not be reduced, as the French electoral campaign of 1978 proves, to problems of alliances and defense only.

AbtractThe rebirth of political philosophy in France coincided with the decline of the political idea of revolution. One goal of this article is to explore this historical convergence in order to reveal its significance The author, inspired by some suggestions of François Furet, tries to show that the understanding of this historical convergence helps us to understand in a new way the current state of political philosophy. In the last part of the article, he argues that political philosophy should take into account the new alliance between the “spirit of rebellion” and the appetite for technology in our societies.

Since his break into politics after his election in the first constituency of the Somme on June 18, 2017, the “député insoumis” François Ruffin has presented a series of atypical features within the French political field. An activist-journalist for twenty years, Ruffin claims to merge his practices as a representative and committed reporter, opposing this way the routines of a political profession that he intends to subvert. However, it seems like the “député-reporter” practices as an elected representative a parliamentary trade whose daily modalities largely precede him, and contrast with some of his tendencies toward transgression. But when it turns out to be effective, this subversion takes the form of a representative performance which is akin to a desecration of politics: by minimizing on the one hand its sacred dimension, and on the other, by integrating into it a layman speech that is not supposed to be there.

Keywords: représentation politique, travail politique, France insoumise, François Ruffin, Assemblée nationale, député, Somme, France, political representation, political work, France, François Ruffin, () member of Parliament, National Assembly, Somme, France

ABSTRACTThe problem of the moral allegiance to political liberalism is central in the theory of John Rawls. It will be argued first, that, as Rawls conceive them, the moral and the political practically stand in a paradoxical relationship which undermines the possibilities for the implementation of "public reason". A new characterization of the conditions of moral allegiance will be articulated. I will then argue that my characterization removes the tensions between the moral and the political I noticed in Rawls. It also yields a better understanding of the actual representation of the citizen as a moral agent and finally, gives a more accurate account of the role of morality in contemporary constitutional democracies.

In this article, we report an exploratory investigation carried amongst new Canadian citizens originating from non-democratic countries. Our study is based on the analysis of 30 interviews with Montrealers from Haiti, Lebanon and Peru. The variables presented here are most likely to explain their perceptions with regard to the Canadian and Québécois political systems and their political behaviors. We are particularly interested in the interrelationships between three groups of variables: political, psychological and socio-demographic.

Keywords: Comportements politiques, nouveaux citoyens, confiance, démocratie, participation communautaire, Political behaviors, new citizens, trust, democracy, community participation