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457.More information
The article examines the arguments on quotas and parity from two angles: on the one hand, the denunciation of women's political exclusion, and on the other hand, the legitimation of their political inclusion. The article points out the value of parity in comparison with quotas and emphasizes the parity's ambiguities. Parity do not resolve the dilemas between universalism and particularism, equality and difference. But its demand has the merit to put the women's political under representation on the public and political agenda.
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458.More information
AbstractThe republican notions of freedom of citizens and of peoples enable us to better understand contemporary struggles for recognition. These struggles seek to modify the prevailing norms governing citizen participation on the ground that they unnecessarily constrain the ways in which citizens are able to participate. The solution is not to try to determine the just norms of participation in conditions of cultural diversity once and for all, as liberal theorists assume, for the identity-related differences that matter to citizens change over time. Rather, the solution is to develop a form of constitutional democracy in which the norms of public recognition of citizens are not fixed but flexible and in which the citizens themselves are always free to challenge, negotiate and modify the prevailing norms governing participation. The solution is not to be found in a theory of justice but in modified republican practices of freedom.
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459.More information
AbstractRegarding French political life, the term “présidentiable” usually refers to a potential presidential candidate with real chances to succeed ; there is no juridical definition of it. A would-be president is one who is said to be one. The labelling inevitably involves the media. On the one hand, it is on the media scene that the would-be president assumes the role he covets and receives his peers' acknowledgement ; on the other hand, journalists are not only the mirror of political life, they are also the actors of the labelling and the notion of “présidentiable” is partly constructed by them. Nevertheless, this power is not to be overrated : media recognize more than they create the would-be presidents ; traditional political resources, such as political parties or government experience, must not be neglected.
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460.More information
In this text, the author intends to show that Quebecois nationalism is in no way opposed to a politics of multiculturalism. In the first part, he emphasizes that what Quebecois nationalism rejects is not multiculturalism as such, but rather the type of multiculturalism promoted within the Canadian federation, insofar as it resists recognizing the multinational composition of Canada. In the second part, he attempts to respond to the objection according to which Quebecois nationalism and multiculturalism would be conflicting options not by virtue of Canadian policy on multicuturalism, but because of Quebecois nationalism itself, which, in guarding the national identity of Quebecois people, would limit Quebec's degree of openness to cultural diversity. This text intends to show that that position has no grounds.