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AbstractPoor people's political participation, negatively determined by socioeconomic factors, has often been studied through the political apathy paradigm. Migrant women living in U.S. cities” segregated ethnic enclaves, as a “ triple minority ” (gender, class, and ethnicity), seem unable to participate politically. Nevertheless, starting from an interrogation on “ what is politics, ” it is shown that the distinction between “ public and private ” constitutes an obstacle to apprehend poor people's participation. The empirical study of a San Diego Mexican segregated enclave demonstrates that “ daily political practices ” do exist. First, the article explains how gentrification has become a mobilizing issue for the residents. Second, it is argued that the constitution of bridging and bounding “ gendered social capital ” forms the fundamental variable that helps to understand participation in the barrio.

From the fifteenth century to its fall, the Republic of Venice made it a priority to give to its political and commercial power a twofold explanation, political and religious. By using the oral legends that were circulating since its foundation, and by establishing an official interpretation of its own history, Venice built a theological-political myth in which she was the hero. The turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries witnessed the first objections against this myth, that was then reaching a climactic influence amongst the majority of European political thinkers, objections that were fostered by the changes in historical methods. Did this announce the end of the Venetian myth? This article aims to decipher the presence of fragments of the Venetian myth amongst French intellectuals of the seventeenth century. Admittedly committed to Venice in her fight against the political abuses of the papacy since the Venetian Interdict of 1606, they nevertheless participated in a methodological shift in history writing.

The combination of marxist concepts with « spatialism » in geographical analysis has not given rise to any original form of marxist geography. In fact, Marx's lesson must be sought within his law of profit. From the latter, can be drawn the idea for a law of power based on the concepts of energy and information. To the same extent that the formula M-C-M' (money-commodity-money) can enliven economic geography, the formula l-E-l' (information-energy-information) should enliven political geography.

Keywords: Marxisme en géographie, échange, géographie politique, État, énergie, information, Marxism in geography, exchange, political geography, State, energy, information

For the last twenty years, hip-hop in West Africa, among the few musical genres common to the whole region, has considerably contributed to the vitality of the local musical sector as well as to social change among the West African youth. hip-hop music has asserted itself through the articulation of new socio-cultural and ideologico-political perspectives. Drawing the nowadays globalised geographies of hip-hop and its musical expression, this article suggests an analysis of the political production of hip-hop musical from the West African collective, AURA. The mobilisation of those hip-hop actors thus illustrates the application of the differential politics and the politics of difference inscribed in this musical genre in West Africa.

Keywords: hip-hop, AURA, production politique, Afrique de l'Ouest, musique-rap, hip-hop, AURA, political production, West Africa, rap music, hip-hop, AURA, producción politízale, África del Oeste, rap-música

Keywords: Bataille, Georges, Barthes, Roland, Foucault, Michel, communauté

AbstractThis article attempts to understand the impact of the last two Republican presidencies on the evolution of the variations in the level of AFDC welfare benefits between American states. The fragmentation of the program's management and financing has resulted in significant disparities between states. This study focuses on the impact that the political environment has on these variations and on the relative importance of the decentralization announced as the New Federalism. Apparently, the existence of interstate variations can be statistically linked to political culture. Membership in a particular culture can induce different behavior as illustrated by the evolution of welfare benefits in various states. However, we did not observe an increase in the level of interstate variations between political cultures. There is an inertia governing the spatial differentiation of welfare benefits from 1980 to 1992, and this despite the Republican's New Federalism.

AbstractAmong contemporary defenders of civic republicanism, Michael J. Sandel, in Democracy's Discontent, offers a uniquely ambitious account of why we pay a very high price, with respect to the quality of political life, when civic republican ideals come to be eclipsed by procedural liberalism. There can be no questioning the power of M. Sandel's republicanism as social criticism, exposing the moral and civic "thinness" of modern liberal society. But can his social theory offer a feasible remedy to liberalism's ills? To answer the latter question, one requires a clearer account of the relationship between theory and practice than M. Sandel himself supplies. The purpose of this article is to summarize what is most compelling in Sandelian social critique, and to try to pin him down on how he interprets the theory-practice relation.