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An entrenched Bill of Rights, it is maintained, would be of benefit not only to individuals and groups but also to provincial governments generally, because the same standards would apply at the federal as well as the provincial level. Such a Bill should include certain effective protections lacking in the present Canadian Bill of Rights. The protection of civil liberties by way of the division of powers has favoured the enhancement of federal power and has worked to the disadvantage of the provinces. What is proscribed at the provincial level is permitted at the federal level. In effect, although the provincial persecution and prosecution of Communists and Jehovah's Witnesses are well known, particularly because of their appearances before the courts, similar legislative and administrative policies on the part of the federal Government and Parliament have not surfaced as clearly in the Canadian constitutional process or history. This is also true as concerns the treatment of Asiatics. The formulation of the safeguards to be included in a Bill of Rights raises the question as to their scope and application. The present Canadian Bill of Rights has given rise to the situation where the act of an official, such as a police officer, is not subject to the provisions of the Bill whereas the legislative enactment that authorizes the act is so subject. An efficient Bill of Rights would control such acts as well as laws. Lastly, it is suggested that there is a general consensus in Canada as to the essential contents of a Bill of Rights. In dealing with emergency situations, the federal Government should have the burden of proving that an emergency exists and that restrictions imposed on specific civil liberties are required. At present the person contesting the invocation of the War Measures Act or other emergency legislation has the almost impossible task of proving that an emergency does not in fact exist.

The interdependence of metropolitan areas and their suburban peripheries reflects a close relationship with economic activity. With reference to the Côtière and Plaine de l'Ain areas located to the east of the Lyon metropolitan area in France, this article discuss suburbanization from the perspective of the capacity of local political actors to emancipate from metropolitan dependence. By formulating the theoretical proposition of "peri-urban regimes". This paper seeks to characterise the game of actors in suburban territories within the dominant economic inter-territoriality of metropoles. These actors seek to construct a specific agenda by institutional arrangements, economic development and urban planning.

Keywords: Développement économique, Périurbain, Régimes urbains, Métropole de Lyon, Intercommunalités, Economic development, Suburban areas, Urban regimes, Metropolis of Lyon, Intercommunalities

Techniques of democratic control and public participation in general energy choices have recently been the concern of many, especially in Quebec. Firstly, over the last ten years, the Parliamentary Committee on Energy and Resources has been the forum of important debates and serious discussions. Members of the National Assembly have been able to follow to a certain extent the rapid evolution of energy policies and to articulate the concerns of the general public. Those responsible for Crown corporations (Hydro, SOQUIP) have had to account for their projects and to report regularly. Through public hearings, various economic agents have had the opportunity to present their views on many occasions. The second important technique, the use of an indépendant regulatory agency, in this case, the Quebec Gas and Energy Board, with a rather limited jurisdiction, has been the centre of discussions. Some see in that formula an adequate channel of public participation ; others have some hesitation about accepting the broadening of the role of an indépendant regulatory agency, where important issues have to be dealt between the Minister and major Crown corporations.

French-speaking countries, like other States, need multilateral and bilateral funds for their development. This financing obeys accounting rules of eligibility for “public development assistance”, conditionality, and concessionality inspired by a conceptual framework of public accounts which embodies accounting sovereignty enforceable against borrowers. However, each borrowing State has a normative budgetary and accounting framework that matches that of the European bilateral contributor and which the latter integrates into multilateral bodies through its strong contribution to these institutions. By the analytical method, the study which targets France as a bilateral contributor also present in multilateral institutions through its participations, Côte d'Ivoire and Congo-Brazzaville as beneficiaries, shows the specificity of the legal relationship between the conceptual framework of public accounts and accessibility to multilateral and bilateral funds for development. An instrument for expressing accounting sovereignty, the conceptual framework of public accounts strengthens the accessibility of borrowing countries to multilateral and bilateral funds. By affirming the accounting status of the sovereign power, the conceptual framework of public accounts reinforces the sovereignty of the bilateral contributor, and that of multilateral institutions, and weakens that of the financed countries. The latter still gains in budgetary performance at a certain level of the public spending chain.

The sharp fluctuations in energy prices over the past 20 years have made some households precarious because of their situation linked to their income, a poorly isolated housing and/or long daily commutes. This theme of energy poverty has thus gradually emerged as an object of local public action by strengthening significantly with the price peak of of oil in 2008-2012. How can the local stakeholders organize themselves to face this social issue of the energy transition? To answer this question, this article reports on a research conducted in three different territories, active in the fight against energy poverty related to housing and mobility. It shows the gradual intensification of collective action in this area since the 2000s, and highlights limits of sectoral policies (social action, energy, housing, transport, etc.), and on the other hand the current financing and regulation methods that make it difficult to conduct long term actions. Finally, the observations on the three territories show the opportunities of the ongoing institutional developments over the past ten years (intercommunality and metropolization).

Keywords: Précarité énergétique, logement, mobilité quotidienne, transversalité, action publique territoriale, Energy poverty, housing, daily mobility, transversality, territorial public action