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In Canada, the political economy of natural resources is deeply marked by the environmental crisis : more than elsewhere, the overexploitation of nature is inscribed in the very logic of Canadian capitalism. Following the studies on the production of a socio-nature, we will examine how the extractivist development model uses nature to produce a stock of 'natural resources '. The study of the large resources regimes allows to distinguish analytically different dynamics of this production of nature, in the form of three political temporalities. On the macro-structural scale, resources regimes are the institutional legacy of a political economy historically focused on resources, which ensures the pre-eminence of international-oriented economic regulations (a staple socio-economy). On the meso-policical scale, these resources regimes are dynamic political arrangements which, while stabilizing the exploitation of resources, promotes extractivist actors to the detriment of third-party actors. On the micro-social scale, these resources regimes are finally institutional constraints to the territorial actors facing the implementation of exploitation of natural resources. Each of these temporalities bears the mark of an ecological paradox : the capitalism of resources doesn't have much to do with the market (because of the role of large organizations), less and less to share with Canadian society (as a result of increasing disputes) and promotes the dispossession of local communities of their environment (despite recent progress). In conclusion, we will question the political significance of this type of development.

Keywords: ressources naturelles, régime de ressources, extractivisme, territoire, environnement, natural resources, resources regime, extractivism, territory, environment

This paper explores the development of Chilean feminism since the return to democracy in 1990, following the military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet. The women's and feminist movement that mobilized in the 1980s around demands for “democracy in the country and the home” subsequently entered a phase of demobilization and division, stemming from the dual militancy and the tension between autonomy and integration, particularly with respect to the institutionalization of gender-equality policies. In this unique context, autonomy is the distinctive trait of feminist radicalism.

For twenty years, the European Union has qualified as a supranational actor more and more present on the educational scene. Through the European strategies - Lisbon 2010 and Europe 2020 - but also the open method of coordination, an essential mutation has been occurring at the level of Member States. In this article, I intend to analyse in which manner the European Union manages to become a genuine educational actor. Thematic analysis of forty semi-structured interviews conducted with European and international officials demonstrate that the European leaders prepared the European “suitcase” for the first “flight” of 2010 and the second one in 2020. Mainly, this briefcase regroups benchmarks, core competencies, mobility programs and the European qualifications framework. If the European Union is able to “boast” with a national or international political visibility through educational proposals however, an unknown factor remains in this geopolitical equation.

Keywords: Union européenne, méthode ouverte de coordination, stratégie de Lisbonne, stratégie Europe 2020, benchmarks, acquis communautaire, European Union, open method of coordination, Lisbon Strategy, Strategy Europe 2020, benchmarks, acquis communautaire

ABSTRACTThis paper investigates language procedures and their role in bearing the enunciative weight of discourse. These procedures enable meaning to be produced by emphasizing the possibility of substitution of the language's lexical resources (rather than their discursive use); they serve to construct the designational paradigms that will support the judgments being made. Basing our study on an article entitled "Autopsie d'une mini-crise" (from Le Devoir, July 11, 1998, p. A9), we will explore the lexical procedures through which the enunciator manages the enunciative voices in the text, so as to construct a fallacious appeal to authority on which his entire argument is based.

Ces vingt dernières années ont été marquées par des flux d’investissements directs étrangers (IDE) entre les économies mondialisées. L’Afrique reste cependant plus en marge que les autres régions. Cela peut s’expliquer par divers facteurs comme les ressources ou les politiques publiques. En effet, certains pays possèdent des politiques publiques envers les IDE plus ou moins réticentes. Ce présent travail se concentre sur les raisons qui amènent les pays à adopter ce type de politiques publiques. En m’appuyant sur l’approche britannique de Susan Strange et la méthode de la différence de Mills, je compare la République du Congo qui met en place des politiques incitatives envers les IDE et la Namibie dont les politiques publiques sont plus restreintes. D’une part, cette différence de politiques publiques envers …

This article, which examines the emergence of the diaspora option in Cameroon, contributes to a growing body of critical analysis on migration and development, and in particular on diasporas and their potential for development. By mobilizing the notion of “magic concept” as its main focus, this work shows how public administration literature enriches and completes the critique of the diaspora option. This analysis, based on a survey of some fifteen civil servants, experts and professionals, demonstrates that in a context where the challenges and constraints to be overcome in order to make effective use of the diaspora's potential are numerous and not fully addressed by the public authorities, the diaspora option can be perceived as a magic concept or a totem promoted by the State and international organizations.

Keywords: Option diaspora, concept magique, totem, discours, rhétorique, Diaspora option, magic concept, totem, discourse, rhetoric

The price of electricity is a much discussed topic in Quebec, as if the energy spent debating was as affordable, renewable and low-emission as hydropower. Where does the disagreement come from ? Why can a balance not be found among stakeholders ? This article examines the six major issues that shape the arguments relating to the price of electricity : national identity, equity, regional and industrial development, economic efficiency, public finance and the environment. The analysis leads to an outline for a public policy on electricity prices compatible with the different arguments found in the debate, while also being politically viable.