Documents found
-
711.More information
My comments on Francis Dupuis-Déri's paper, that tries to reconcile direct actions with deliberative theory, raises a number of questions. First, I wonder why the paper concedes any democratic substance to liberal theories, as these theories have repeatedly rejected all kinds of democratic collective action. In this sense, liberal regimes are not as much elitists as they are oligarchic. Once this clarification is made in the debate, it becomes possible to read F. Dupuis-Déri as contrasting two distinct visions of the world, one encouraging the expansion of the market in all spheres of life and the other demanding a more egalitarian world. The question of populism then becomes essential in trying to understand the reasons why a group is portrayed as being violent and anti-democratic. It is therefore important to properly name these types of phenomena and, in particular, to understand the nature of oligarchic liberal regimes if one wishes to bring legitimacy to direct actions.
-
712.More information
AbstractIn this article, we examine the Turkish case for populism that was applied since the establishment of the multi-party regime on 1950. The originality of the Turkish case resides in two facts. First, in Turkey, populist policies were implemented by conservative center-right governments rather than by left governments as in some Latin American countries. Based on patron-client relations as a dominant characteristic of the rural social structure, these parties organized themselves as patronage networks. These party organizations can be characterized as machine-parties rather than as parties with coherent ideologies and national programs. Thus, they distributed to their clients the resources obtained more or less easily from foreign suppliers during the cold war, due to Turkey's geo-strategic importance as a NATO member. Second, it entails a vicious circle provoked by these populist policies. This vicious circle manifests itself as a cycle of populist policies/crisis/ military intervention/austerity measures. However, with the end of the cold war period and the beginning of the globalization era, it became harder for governments in Turkey to obtain long-term foreign debt in terms of multilateral agreements to carry out their populist policies. As a result, these resources were replaced by short-term, high-cost capital inflows. These inflows paradoxically facilitated the implementation of populist policies and, at the same time, worsened their severe consequences. As a result, socio-political tensions created by these severe conditions triggered the rise of radical movements such as political Islam and ultra-nationalism.
-
718.More information
Adoptant une approche constructiviste, cette recherche qualitative et à visée exploratoire, a pour but de comprendre l’apport de différents acteurs, notamment, bénévoles dans l’émergence, le développement et la mise en œuvre des politiques publiques de lutte contre la maltraitance des personnes âgées (PPLMPA) en France, à la lumière du Québec. S’appuyant sur une analyse documentaire de 317 documents et de 38 entretiens semi-dirigés, les résultats montrent que les bénévoles ALMA n’ont pas d‘influence sur la PPLMPA et que les luttes de pouvoir entre acteurs nuisent à son évolution. Cependant, un acteur non associatif la commission nationale de bientraitance et de lutte contre les maltraitances est apparu influant la PPLMPA. A été pointé le manque de recherche sur le sujet (Données probantes, outils pour les professionnels, …
-
720.More information
In Tunisia, informal waste pickers known as Berbechas play a central role in the waste recovery and recycling chain, yet remain excluded from institutional waste management frameworks. In a context shaped by international pressures to modernize public services, this article examines how public policies contribute to their marginalization and explores the challenges and implications of potentially formalizing their work. The primary research question guiding this study is: to what extent can the formalization of waste pickers offer a fair and effective pathway for both their socio-economic recognition and for improving Tunisia’s waste management system? Based on qualitative fieldwork conducted in Greater Tunis (including interviews with waste pickers, intermediary collectors, and institutional actors, along with periods of participant observation), the findings highlight the structural contribution of Berbechas to urban recycling, while exposing their institutional invisibility. Attempts at formalization, mostly driven by NGOs, face numerous legal, institutional, and social barriers, and often fail to align with the expectations and lived realities of waste pickers. The article argues that formalization should not be seen as a universal or technical fix. It must instead be understood as a political process, co-constructed with those concerned, and supported by broader institutional reforms. Without this, formalization risks deepening the very forms of exclusion it seeks to address.
Keywords: Berbechas, récupération informelle, formalisation, gouvernance des déchets, économie circulaire, Tunisie, Berbechas, informal recycling, formalization, waste governance, circular economy, Tunisia