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In Canada, the limited level of knowledge on media education content that is conveyed by academic curricula hinders its critical evaluation. This article presents the ways in which media education is introduced in the Quebec Education Program (QEP) at the preschool and elementary level. More specifically, it highlights the connections at work between media education, childhood and citizenship in the program. Our method tracks and extracts a set of statements related to information and communications technologies (ICTs) and the media, then conducts their automated classification into four principal categories: speech, verbs used that reflect the actions undertaken by categories of actors (school, pupils, teachers), learning objectives and suggestions. A subsequent classification allows for the emergence of verbs and learning objectives associated to the notion of citizenship. The latter are then subject to speech analysis. Our analysis intends to demonstrate the message conveyed by the QEP on media and ICTs. It highlights the roles, tasks and responsibilities of its various actors in relation to the acquisition of knowledge and skill development. In addition, it features the actions taken by these actors to operationalize the academic goals of the program. Our conclusion indicates a low subject implementation of the statements associated to media education and citizenship, relevant content, although thematically limited, along with the conception of students as capable of a reflection and critical thinking process.

Keywords: éducation aux médias, curriculum, citoyenneté, Programme de formation de l'école québécoise, media education, curriculum, citizenship, Quebec Education Program

In response to the worsening effects of climate change, Spain is being compelled to rethink its development model, particularly in the tourism sector. This study is based on the hypothesis that the COVID-19 pandemic served as a catalyst for a paradigm shift, accelerating the transition toward a form of tourism that is more attentive to environmental sustainability. A qualitative approach, grounded in a range of primary sources—including strategic policy documents, political programmes, tourism campaigns, press articles, and quantitative studies—enables an analysis of the evolving Spanish tourism model. Since 2020, the government of Pedro Sánchez has placed ecological transition at the core of its tourism strategy, through the development of programmatic tools and the activation of multi-level cooperation, particularly with autonomous communities and the European Union. Projects financed by European recovery funds reflect this strategic orientation by promoting sustainable mobility, the diversification of destinations, climate change adaptation, water management, ecosystem restoration, and biodiversity conservation. However, this transformation dynamic faces significant tensions. The resurgence of overtourism since the post-pandemic recovery undermines efforts to construct a sustainable model. Achieving effective regulation of tourist flows in certain destinations appears to be a necessary condition for reducing the sector’s negative externalities on the environment and for consolidating the model the Spanish government seeks to promote.

Keywords: changement climatique, modèle touristique, post-pandémie, Espagne, tourisme durable, fonds de relance européens, surtourisme, régulation, climate change, tourism model, post-pandemic, Spain, sustainable tourism, European recovery funds, overtourism, regulation, cambio climático, modelo turístico, pospandemia, España, turismo sostenible, fondos de recuperación europeos, sobreturismo, regulación

This article examines the role of cultural interest groups in the development of public policies and the relations they maintain with government in such a context. The analysis is based on a case study: the conflict between these interest groups and the government that erupted when it unveiled its first official languages action plan in 2003. Drawing on archival documents and interviews with the key protagonists in this conflict, the article exposes three tensions that characterize the activity of these interest groups: confusion between personal interest and public interest, ambiguous relations with the civil service and rivalry between the various interest groups. Thus, the article provides a critical perspective of the activity of interest groups in the cultural sector and a better understanding of their relations with members of the policy community within which they are active.

Keywords: groupes d'intérêt, arts et culture, francophonie canadienne, gouvernance, communauté politique, interest groups, arts and culture, Canadian Francophonie, governance, policy community

The decentralization appears in France in the words of those that have decided and implement it as a rescue operation of the closeness solidarities that thirty years of hyper-centralism under the Fifth Republic had destroyed. In order to avoid a break-up—or perhaps the death—of the social, the political sphere "got all worked up" so as to reintroduce some stakes in a social that had become too functional. We are thus compelled to notice that this partial answer to the crisis of the social bears within itself the seeds of this crisis and it implies its reproduction. Thus stated, the break-up of the social and the different crises that are at its origin—crisis of the state, crisis of the knowledge—appear as absolute necessities for a new mode of production of the "social" based on negotiation and the "market."

ABSTRACTThis article deals with educational policy-making and administrative structures in Quebec's public school system from 1920 to 1945. It seeks to shed new light on the configuration and the nature of central educational power during this period characterized by economic, political and socio-cultural transformations which inevitably influenced the educational sphere. To this end, the paper undertakes a systematic analysis of the composition of the confessional committees of the Council of Education and examines the struggles of the different interest groups which lobbied for better representation on these important bodies. The study demonstrates that committee members continued to be chosen, as in the 19th century, from the ranks of the clerical, professional and business elites. Non Christians and working-class representatives were excluded from both committees, while Protestant women were under-represented and their Catholic sisters refused a place in their respective committees. Faced with challenges from groups demanding a role in educational policy-making, the Franco-Catholic and Anglo-Protestant male elites sought to preserve a status quo characterized by strong class, ethno-religious and gender biases.

AbstractStyles of community policing are uniquely shaped by a given country's institutional and societal characteristics. In this paper we compare French and American styles in community policing. We find that in North America the main goal of community policing efforts is to widen the range of strong ties linking law enforcement agencies to civil society, whereas in France the central concern is to provide a tighter coordination of state bodies and agencies. We also find that whereas community policing — American style — must demonstrate its utility through problem-solving practices designed to provide a more effective enforcement response, the overriding concern for community policing — French style — is to re-establish through state proximity the legitimacy of the rule of law.