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Keywords: Loisir, intégration, nouveaux arrivants, Montréal

This article seeks to outline the complex pattern of liberty and national security in international relations through a survey of the historical relationship between those concerns in the foreign policy of what is still the world's most important democratic country, the United States. This study is not a history per se of American diplomacy concerning this cluster of issues, although it is historical in approach. Nor is it directly concerned with an on-going theoretical debate over whether or not democracies are inherently more peaceful than other types of states, despite drawing upon elements of that debate and having implications for it. Instead, what is presented here is an interpretive survey of the importance in U.S. foreign policy of a set of key ideas about international order — specifically, the attempt to resolve ideas of "American mission " with the requirements of security, through increasingly active linkage of U.S. national security to the internal character of foreign regimes. It then explores how that tension became manifest in two policy settings : the United Nations, one of America's major multilateral relationship s, and the Soviet Union, its principal bilateral relationship. In short, this study is concerned with governing ideas in American diplomacy; with how such ideas arise and are sustained or challenged; with how they have been disseminated among allies (and even adversaries) ; and the implications of the reality that the United States have succeeded in imbedding these notions in the structures of the international System. The essay concludes with what should prove a controversial, qualified approval of the new 'liberal realism' evident in American foreign policy in the early 1990s.

AbstractChina is one among many other countries that have recognised the necessity in aligning national scientific progress with that of global development. As China is striding along the path of scientific development with determination and initial success, a key concern confronted by international scientific community is how China will transform existing global scientific atlas. Based on a project carried out in six Chinese cities, this paper mainly employs Ulrich Beck's cosmopolitan theory in examining China's life sciences' development in the last decade to investigate how Chinese stakeholders have developed a (cosmopolitan) sensibility to rival ways of scientific reasoning, and in what way Chinese stakeholders have contributed to the cosmopolitanization of science.

Keywords: Chine, développement scientifique, gouvernance mondiale, cosmopolitisme, China, scientific development, global governance, cosmopolitanism

This article deals with community-based economic development actors' perceptions of the role played by Corporations de développement économique communautaire (CDEC) in Montreal's social cohesion. The research focuses on two CDECs, the Regroupement économique et social du Sud-Ouest (RESO) and the CDEC de Rosemont-Petite Patrie (CDEC-RPP). The conclusions reached by the study were validated and extended during a forum in which all the CDECs affiliated with the Regroupement des CDEC du Québec participated. The thesis supported in this article is that, since their institutionalization, CDECs have played an important role in the governance and social cohesion building of the city, as they were able to position themselves as both intermediaries and brokers. In the context of Montreal's urban development, both functions converge because of the existence of institutions fostering dialogue and interrelations between actors from different social classes, representing various and sometimes opposed economic interests.

This article is devoted to the Eurasian dimension of Russian foreign policy. Eurasian integration, which was popular among Russian elites in the 1990s, gradually imposed itself in the 2000s due to the failure of union projects including Ukraine and of attempts to rapprochement with Western Europe. Moscow now relies on the Eurasian Economic Union (eaeu) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (csto) to try to reaffirm its leadership in post-Soviet Eurasia and establish international partnerships on a continental scale in order to structure the Great Eurasia project. If this policy has known certain successes, in particular in the cooperation with China for the establishment of the New Land Silk Roads, it continues to come up against the incomprehension of the Western powers which refuse any form of partnership between the Euro-Atlantic structures and Eurasian organizations.

Keywords: Puissance russe, Eurasie, intégration eurasiatique, Union économique eurasiatique, otsc, cei, Nouvelles routes de la soie, Organisation de coopération de Shanghai (ocs), Russian Power, Eurasia, Eurasian Integration, Eurasian Economic Union, csto, ciso, New Silk Roads, Shanghai Cooperation Organization (sco)

AbstractFuelwood harvesting is an integral part of the subsistence regime for many Arctic and subarctic peoples. Despite the relative paucity of woody resources in the northern tundra, charred wood fragments recovered from archaeological sites reveal a harvesting practice that is thousands of years old. Indeed, fuelwood gathering is a strategic behaviour involving a complex set of decisions beyond merely harvesting by proximity, as some have proposed. In this research, fuelwood harvesting is modeled within an economic framework. A fuel value index (FVI) is established to quantify the energetic returns of different wood species, and ethnographic interviews with Kodiak Island residents demonstrate the knowledge context that surrounds firewood acquisition. Archaeological charcoal from Kodiak Archipelago sites showcases a flexible, though increasingly selective strategy of fuelwood use by early inhabitants. For 7,500 years, maritime hunter-gatherers in the Gulf of Alaska took advantage of wood patchiness; they used a combination of exotic coniferous species in the form of driftwood and native deciduous trees such as alder to fuel their steam baths, smokehouses, and homes.

AbstractAnd what if the opinion of the richest were always the best one ? The breaking down of Fort-Lamy Consensus makes true such a paraphrase of the French writer La Fontaine. This article analyses the cemac sub-region as a sphere of power relations determined by the wealth of the hegemon. The recent enrichment of one of the cemac member states has implied a change of the whole sub-region. This tendency of relating power position to the wealth can give way to hegemonic war, since the tentative efforts to modify the aspect of the power sharing by the rising hegemon oppose the latter to the outgoing hegemon. As far as cemac case is concerned, the war hasn't occurred like Gilpin put it in his theory of hegemonic change. Yet, one can consider that there is a strong link between the regional integration process conducive to peace, and the struggle for power authorized by the change of wealth from one state to another. Therefore, these two aspects are at the core of entities like regional and sub-regional organizations.

Keywords: consensus, intégration régionale, puissance, enrichissement, rapport de force, Afrique centrale, Consensus, regional integration, power, enrichment, power positions, Central Africa, Consensos, integración regional, potencia, enriquecimiento, equilibrio de fuerzas, África Central

The repeal of the Corn Laws by Great Britain in 1846 struck a hard blow against the Province of Canada's economy, impacting merchants and grain producers who benefitted from these protectionist laws through preferential tariffs in the cereal trade. It is in this context that two small ceramic pitchers commemorating the abolition of the Corn Laws at Westminster ended up at the Parliament that was located in Montreal between 1844 and 1849. The discovery of these jugs in 2017 by a team of archaeologists under the direction of Pointe-à-Callière, Montreal's archaeology and history complex, provides an opportunity to revisit this foundational moment in Canadian political and economic history. The pitchers evoke the triumph of the Anti-Corn Law League under the leadership of Richard Cobden and, incidentally, by Sir Robert Peel. Finally, the article underlines the influence that the League and its popular marketing methods had on a Montreal merchant association, which can perhaps explain the presence of these pitchers at the Canadian Parliament in Montreal.

Keywords: Abolition des Corn Laws, pichets commémoratifs, Parlement de Montréal, Richard Cobden, Sir Robert Peel, Repeal of the Corn Laws, Commemorative pitchers, Parliament of Montreal, Richard Cobden, Sir Robert Peel