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The biblical tragedies composed by several Reformation authors (Bèze, Coignac, A. de La Croix, Rivaudeau, Des Masures, La Taille) at the start of the wars of religion (1550-1570) are distinguished for their narratives constructed around a crisis that is at once political and spiritual. Do the heroes thus confronted with a serious event capable of putting into question their former alliance with God demonstrate exemplary faith in the midst of turmoil? To answer this question, we first attempt to better understand the figure of the God-fearing man beset by suffering (Job and Abraham) as depicted in Calvin's Sermons on Job and Commentary on Genesis. On the basis of this preliminary reflection, the second part of the article uses a synthetic overview of the corpus to examine the dramaturgical modalities governing the representation of the faithful put to the test.

Daniel Simeoni's call for an actor-based complement to the concept of norms in Translation Studies and its subsequent introduction of the habitus concept has revealed groundbreaking. Among other things, Translation Studies has benefited from using habitus as a conceptual tool to comprehend the translator/interpreter as a professional. However, as already pointed out by Simeoni 1998, a translator's habitus cannot be reduced to his/her professional expertise as a translator. The present essay takes this observation a step further and argues that a translator's plural and dynamic habitus (Lahire, 2004) also stands for a socialized individual with various positions and perceptions in other fields (e.g. the literary field for a literary translator especially when he/she is a novelist or critic him/herself) of which it would be artificial to isolate the translatorial habitus. A nuanced understanding of literary translators' self-images and roles in cultural history asks for fine-grained analyses of their dynamic and plural intercultural habitus in all its complexities. It will lay bare translators' multipositionality across linguistic, national and field-specific boundaries and the perceived aims, forms and functions of their multiple transfer activities, e.g. for the establishing of a national or international culture. Such an analysis may also contribute to a renewed model for interdisciplinary and intercultural historiographies of culture embedding translation within a multitude of transfer activities (translation, self-translation, etc.). As an illustration hereof, this essay analyzes a literary translator's habitus in early 20th century Belgium.

Keywords: habitus, transfer, selftranslation, multilingual writing, interculturality, habitus, transfert, auto-traduction, écriture multilingue, interculturalité

Some researchers are now proposing to construe the discourse on the universality of English as a “myth” or as a cultural construction rooted in British imperial history. Using an approach inspired by current studies on social myths, the article analyzes the role played by the myth of English as the global language in the debates on the teaching of English in Quebec during the interwar period. First, it traces the genesis of the myth in the context of British India and then analyzes how French-Canadian stakeholders appropriated or challenged this external discursive construction. Finally, it discusses the consequences of its appropriation in the interpretation that Quebecers have made of their own history, their language, and in the definition of their identity.

This article analyzes the decline of the intellectual network of independentist journals in the late 1960s when the Parti Québécois appropriated most of the ideas as well as the people who fed the debates in the various publications during the Quiet Revolution. Firstly, the article maps the main intellectual nodes of the late 1960s, introducing the leaders, the ideologies and the dissemination potential of these journals. Secondly, it analyzes the founding of the Parti Québécois and the initial impact of René Lévesque's centrist coalition on the independentist intellectual network. Thirdly, it addresses the issue of ideological transfers and political connections between the members of this network and the Parti Québécois at the turn of the 1970s.

AbstractRecent years have seen increased interest in the Canadian nobility in New France. The attributes and demographic habits of this social group are now familiar to us while their cultural practices are still little known. In order to better understand some of these elements, this article deals with book ownership among the Canadian nobility between 1670 and 1764. Using a documentary corpus of 276 notarized acts, principally post-mortem inventories, and following the quantitative methods developed by French scholars specializing in the history of reading, this article identifies the number and size of collections of printed materials, the places in which they were kept and the nature of these collections. It briefly considers how Canadian noblemen use their books and shows that they differ from the general population of New France as far as books are concerned.

Although environmental history is undeniably a booming and growing branch of the field, it is still seldom applied to New France, even if some research exists that could contribute to it. This article aims at reviewing the works already released concerning the period, either incorporated in wide, diachronic studies or focusing on French America and the spaces composing it. The accounts on the latter often deal with the various ways in which Europeans worked with and adapted to the American environment. This narrative could be fleshed out and made more nuanced by connecting the environmental history of New France to other American, Atlantic or French spaces. Last but not least, the environmental approach is a way to challenge the traditional narratives of colonial history through specific methodologies and new disciplinary, geographical, and chronological boundaries.

The anthropologist Marius Barbeau (1883-1969) hoped that artistic practice in the Quebec of his day would be based on the survival of a popular culture, one that was authentically national but secretly rooted, and one that ethnological study would be capable of uncovering. As a result, it is interesting to study the intellectual influences that fed Barbeau's nationalism. They were, in fact, heterodox, in the context of a Quebec intellectual scene dominated by a Maurassian neo-Latinity. In particular, drawing on a branch of French philology inspired by the work of Gaston Paris, Barbeau defended the idea that Quebec popular culture was essentially Nordic and, more specifically, Germanic : a theory that was difficult to promote in the context of world wars that notably pitted Canada against Germany.

This article revisits the history of a fiction, that of miscegenation, through the joint lenses of religion, gender and Imperium Studies. Preliminary results show that between 1600 and 1680, “Others” could easily integrate into French society through the extremely gendered rituals of baptism and of marriage. Confronting these means of assimilation with the failure of the chimerical project of “making one sole people of Natives and French”, reveals the mechanisms used by the absolutist French kings and by the Church of Rome, seeking universalism, in order to extend their respective sovereignty overseas from the 16th to the 18th centuries.

This paper studies the fate of the French nobility in Canada after the Cession of 1763 and the advent of the British Regime. It reconstructs and explains the choices made by the families, i.e. to stay or to leave, to join the new regime or to stay on the fringe of the new order established during the 1770s and the 1780s. It shows that the families which remained in Canada experienced the ordinary fate of all local elites when challenged by a new colonial domination : some successfully courted the British authorities to preserve their social and political domination while others slowly slid down the social ladder into obscurity.

Marie-Louise Globensky's (1849-1919) diary, which covers three decades of her adult life, reflects a contrasted emotional landscape, fluctuating between suffering and joy. The present article addresses the diarist's joy, which occurred in specific circumstances, especially when she was fulfilling the duty she felt to be her own as a catholic, bourgeois woman and felt herself to be on a path towards paradise. By studying the joys of the diarist, this article intends to shed new light on Globensky's vision of the world and on her motivations, as well as on the power relationships in the Montréal society to which she belonged.