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The Latin American sub-continent has undeniably entered in a new political period in recent years, particularly since the death of Hugo Chávez in March 2013, when right-wing or extreme right-wing governments are multiplying (as in Brazil). Beyond the discussion on the “end of the cycle”, it is appropriate to make critical assessments of the so-called “progressive” and national-popular experiences in a context of crisis and conservative backlash, but also of reactivation of social and popular struggles.

Identity of regional youths born of parents who immigrated into Quebec: miscegenation and outward-looking attitude. Based on 66 semi-structured interviews conducted among youths between the ages of 18 and 29, born in regions of Quebec other than metropolitan Montreal, and whose parents immigrated or who have themselves immigrated with their parents, this article aims to demonstrate the originality of the culture and identity of these individuals. From their experience in those regions as well as with the culture transmitted by their parents, they develop a Quebecois identity that embraces other cultures and that questions the essence of the Québécois identity. Contradictions exist throughout Quebec between the French-Canadian ethnic nation and the newly-created Quebécois identity that is truly inclusive.

Keywords: Écriture, culture, identité, initiation, rencontre

This article presents the results of a pilot research on strategic alliances. It focuses on how managers perceive critical success factors in these agreements. It addresses questions such as - « Do they perceive alliances in a different way according to the fact that they belong to a small or medium sized company or a larger one ?» - « Do they perceive such agreements differently according to the fact that they work in a business having or not a previous experience in alliances ? » The variables are drawn from recent literature.In the first part of the paper, we address questions such as which functions are given most emphasis by companies, the type of firms with which alliances are preferred and the environmental reasons raised in support of strategic alliances. In the second part, we present the opinion managers have on the objectives they give priority to establish alliances, the success criteria and the factors facilitating successful agreements. In the third part, we develop the opinion managers have on key success factors in the management of strategic alliances.

From the theoretical framework of isomorphism, the aim of this paper is to know whether there is a convergence of management practices between cooperatives and capitalist companies in periods of crisis and failure. The originality of our work can be summarized in three points: an international comparative perspective in the industrial sector, a two-level study (financial dimension and human resources), and a broadening of traditional studies about failures to focus mostly on the post-crisis period. The conjunction of these elements shows indeed that Fagor Electrodomesticos was not a company just like the others.

Keywords: isomorphisme, entreprise coopérative, entreprise actionnariale, faillite, sociétaires, gestion financière, ressources humaines, isomorphism, cooperative enterprise, shareholder company, failure, membership, financial management, human resources, isomorfismo, empresa cooperativa, sociedad por acciones, quiebra, societarios, gestión financiera, recursos humanos

Social communal rights have been forging since 1958. New social problematics concerning the 1992 Common Market which can be compared from those resulting from the Free Trade Agreement between the U.S.A. and Canada are being questioned. These concerns focus on the necessity of workers mobility and their pursuit for a social status.I. The workers mobility should be increased to permit growth of economie trade and competitivity. The "liberty of circulation" principle for workers is based on community standards which permit and assure wage earners personal and family rights and of its protection. But the new stake is one of qualifications; so it is therefore necessary to acknowledge qualifications to increase the workers mobility; this can only be achieved through a true European negotiation, and in all professional branches.Without of such a negotiation, European groups would form their own mobility rules.II. The social status of European workers represents the genuine challenge for social Europe. Directives of key subjects on the economie (economie layoffs, company transfers) or social evolutions (equality M/W) have already been elaborated. Through the unique European Act, elaboration of restrictive norms in matters of hygiene and security and also by implementing a base for directive principles, a new movement model appears.1. Regarding wage earners health and safety, technical and main directives have been issued, but the effectiveness of a true health protection community policy for workers is very difficult to control.2. The recognition of fundamental social rights has been acquired since 1989 through adoption of the Charter, but its impact remains disputed: So the manifestation of social Europe depends either on the Commission's actions or on the development of a European negotiation.Standards that are susceptible of being harmonized are very delicate at the Commission's level (example: salary matters, precarious labour contracts). With a lack of institutional setting and adapted structures, European negotiation does not exist.Only a "social dialogue" would permit a concerted effort of social partners. Normative construction is therefore considerable and at the same time limited; it would seem that if a social European space exists, social Europe is not yet built.

This paper calls into doubt the conceptual framework through which the principle of free, prior and informed consent of indigenous people in international law has emerged. The majority of the relevant literature considers that the principle requires a recognition of the indigenous people's right to self-determination as well as their right to their lands and their permanent sovereignty over their natural resources. In that context, it is scarcely surprising to discern various conflicting forces that undermine its adoption in international law in the short, medium and even the long term. In accordance with the public international law currently in force, indigenous people do not benefit from the right to self-determination. That state of the law is likely to endure for decades to come regardless of the encouraging progresses that have been made in that regard in the United Nations context. This paper adopts a theoretical approach that rests on the cultural integrity and the self-determination models with a view of analysing the manifestations of the principle in, inter alia, the UN system, the Inter-American system, the international development banks as well as in Canadian domestic law. It argues that the recognition of the principle should be based on constitutional and/or legislative dispositions, or even case-law developments in domestic law, rather than being geared towards an unlikely recognition of the indigenous people's right to self-determination.