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The discussion begins with a reminder of the various postures anarchists against the nationalism and the relationship between Judaism and anarchism, and finally present and analyze the activism of the group of Jewish Israeli Anarchists Against the Wall (AATW), and provide an interim assessment. The aim is to reflect the strained relationship between anarchism, which is basically internationalist, and nationalism, particularly the struggles of so-called “national liberation”, whether secular or religious. Particular attention is paid to the reaction of AATW activists against the “wall” erected in 2002 by the State of Israel. The construction of the wall has offered — and paradoxically — a political opportunity for Israeli Jews and Palestinians to build relationships and advocate organic whole, precisely against the construction of this wall.
Keywords: anarchisme, anarchistes, nationalisme, sionisme, Anarchists Against the Wall, anarchism, anarchist, nationalism, Zionism, Anarchists Against the Wall, anarquismo, anarquistas, nacionalismo, sionismo, anarquistas contra el muro
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There is not much known about the creation of La Revue Juive at the beginning of Albert Cohen's career. The young Cohen began working for it in 1923 under the influence of Zionist movements he then belonged to. The review was published by the NRF in 1925. In spite of very famous contributors such as Einstein and Freud, La Revue juive lasted barely one year. The reasons for this failure remain largely unknown, mostly because we have very little information about this period, and Cohen's correspondence during those years is not accessible : a lack of money from the Zionist movement, difficulty in creating a pool of loyal readers, absence of a true editorial team around Cohen, contradictions between his commitment to Zionism and his literary aspirations? In any case, La Revue juive was for him a laboratory for artistic creativity where the future author of Solal shaped his writing personality.
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It is generally accepted that a power relation is at the base of every negotiation and that, to the extent possible, each State attempts to negotiate when that relation is the most weighted in its favour, especially if the subject matter of negotiation is perceived by it as being of vital importance.Over several years all of Israel's neighbours, Egypt among them, obstinately refused to negotiate (at least openly) with the Zionist State apparently counting on an improvement in the power relation in their favour. An improvement moreover that eventually seemed possible with the relative yet nonetheless important successes of the October 1973 war.The enigma that Sadat's policy constitutes from this vantage point resides precisely in the fact that that policy appears to upset the power relation that made the October War possible and that led to Israel's first setback. The economic difficulties and reorientation of the Egyptian regime (both towards the West and towards private enterprise) do not, by themselves, explain what is referred to as Egypt's « defeatist » diplomacy. This diplomacy also reflects a strategic coherency that can only be understood within the historical perspective of the Arab-Israeli conflict and by undertaking a rigourous analysis of Zionism and its principal sources of political support. Sadat, by a paradoxical exploitation of a position of weakness, attempts to transform politically that relative weakness into a position of strength in order to wrest from Israel that which the Arabs have not succeeded in obtaining by armed force. He pursues the war, but by the other means. Nevertheless, the success of these means depends to a great extent on the attitudes of the other countries of the battlefield.