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221.More information
Albert Memmi's La statue de sel goes beyond the autobiographical and historical representation of the where and when of French colonialism in North Africa. In it, the narrator seeks both to be and to describe various others in a social mosaic that amplifies conflicts evidenced by ambiguous tugs of attraction, rejection, love or hate. Based on who speaks them, identifying words carry different meanings that often lead to misunderstanding, thus proving how difficult relating to others can be in a society condoning power playing and jockeying for status.
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In Z32, a former Israeli soldier confesses to the murder of a Palestinian. What strategies does the director, Avi Mograbi, set in place in order to counteract the pervasive principle of “tiers exclu” (excluded third party)? How does he keep this film, which features a murderer, on an ethical track? This analysis argues that Mograbi does so by seeking to include or by creating a “third party” in his cinematic apparatus.
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Samuel Huntington proclaimed in an already well-known article ("Clash of Civilizations?") that deep incompatibilities between great civilizations will be the primary cause of future international conflicts. Conflicts will be cultural rather than economic or ideological. To test the validity of this claim, I analyse an international conflict which is truly cultural : the "Salman Rushdie Affair". This affair was provoked by the publication of Rushdie's novel, The Satanic Verses. By studying the motives of the actors in this event (the novelist Salman Rushdie, the imam Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini and the politician Margaret Thatcher), it seems at first sight that they were driven by political or financial interests. But a closer analysis shows that these actors were directed by cultural motivations. Does this prove that Huntington's thesis is right ? No, since even if the actors tried to defend a vision of their culture, there is no such a thing as monolithical civilizations but rather, there are only multicultural civilizations. Indeed, many people from the West refused to defend Rushdie, many Muslims condemned Khomeini's fatwa and Thatcher promoted only one aspect of Western political culture. Values are transnational and an Iranian may cherish the same values as an inhabitant of New York, while, on the other hand two Londonners living in the same flat dream about killing the other over the abortion issue.
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In the Quebecois literary context, one would not dare compare Hubert Aquin and Mordecai Richler, two writers whose political convictions seem to oppose each other. But shouldn't we leave aside national politics and try to reflect on the literary representations of the revolutions proposed in their respective works ? Richler and Aquin share a fascination for revolutionary engagement. They consider it like an impossible ideal or a pure fiction. Between the Quebec revolution, dreamt by Prochain Episode's hero, and the ghost of the Spanish Revolution, fantasized and imagined by many richlerian characters, is it possible to draw parallels ? The present paper tries to formulate hypotheses and intents to jump over the trap of the nationalization of literary engagement.
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