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This article explores the impact of social media on extremism and conspiracism. In particular, the recent period has shown that the far right represents an increasingly concrete threat in the public sphere, as evidenced by the influence of movements such as QAnon or the Capitol assault of January 6, 2021. Using the results of a research project on media and extremism carried out in Quebec between 2017 and 2021, this article shows that the extreme right makes particular use of social media, and that these act certainly as echo chambers, but also as vectors of a complex and protean conspiracist ideology. Qualitative interviews with radicalized individuals illustrate the ideological integration of social media into the cultural and political strategy of today's extreme right.
Keywords: extrême droite, complotisme, radicalisation, médias, extrémisme, extreme right, conspiracy, radicalization, media, extremism
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AbstractZionist Ideology and the Translation of Hebrew — Thelanguage used by the author of a text may be of ideological significance, and this is a feature that may be lost in translation. As with many languages associated with relatively small, emergent nationalities, the choice to write in modern Hebrew may be related to a nationalist ideology, in this case, Zionism. This article maintains that the creation of Hebrew is similar to the creation of other minority languages, whose use is restricted to a relatively small population of native speakers, as opposed to world languages, widely known and used by people of many countries. The development and use of a minority language is an expression of self-assertion that entails a degree of isolation. This article examines a novel by a contemporary Israeli novelist, Aharon Megged, and explores the ideological significance of its being written in Hebrew as a literary feature of the novel. It notes the aspects of that ideological significance that would be lost in translation and suggests that translators should be aware of this issue.
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The « War of Attrition » constituted one of the crises of the ongoing Arab-Israeli confrontation. From March 8th 1969 Arab revendications for restoration by Israel of the territories lost in 1967 took, under Egyptian direction and the urging of the Palestinian movement, the form of a limited armed conflict. We postulate that the evolution of this crisis depended not only on the capabilities of the belligerents nor on the intervention of the superpowers but also on the objectives of the principal actors. Analysis of these objectives confirms the radical nature of the hostility between Egypt and Israel and the both defensive and restitutory aspect of each country's goals. It emphasizes above all that the object of the crisis was basically the occupied territories dispute and that the cease-fire has left a legacy of heightened disaffection in comparison with the period preceding the crisis. Examination of the behavioral data enables the delimitation of not only the dyadic and polarized configuration of the confrontation but also the latter's context. The search for a purely interactional determination of behaviour leads one to put forward prudently that an increase in lsraeli coercion is related to deescalation while an aggravation of Egyptian belligerence produces the opposite effect. The latter being often preceded in Cairo by the articulation of negative objectives, one could conclude, provisionally, that the « War of Attrition » evolved according to a multivariate open model in which the objectives of Cairo determined the conduct of Israel subject to the intervening Egyptian behavioural variable.
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In the Third World, the Energy Crisis of 1973 emphasized the vulnerability of certain large oil-importing countries engagea in an extensive process of industrialization. As the multinational-dominated automobile industry represented the core of the recent industrializing profile in Brazil, the end of Growth meant a direct threat to its future development as an energy-consuming economic sector. A powerful lobby was then activated to intervene on the side of the State and the national bourgeoisie. The latter was putting forward the PRO-ALCOOL program in the Mid-Seventies, as a response to the new challenge. An alliance with the car industry was made possible when the State withdrew from a tradition of direct involvment in Energy (exemplified by PETROBRAS), to enhance the private sector. Such a neo-liberal strategy in oil-substitution would be aimed at a potentially unlimited market in South America and the Carribean for alcohol-powered cars, while being essentially dependent upon the performance of its participants : the national bourgeoisie engagea in agro-business, and the automobile industry.In the light of recent findings from a research conducted in Brazil, the author recognized the originality of this internationalizing strategy, in the context of regional market integration. However, given its neo-liberal nature, it is not surprising that controls (of costs and quality) remained largely ineffective. Further structural limitations, such as technological deficiencies caused by inadequate R & D activities, uneasy relations among actors, especially among multinational corporations themselves, and a lack of private funding (to be related to the deep crisis in Latin America) delayed the implementation of the program in its original conception. Although reluctant to the introduction of new competitors, especially from Japan, the multinational could be forced into a new alliance that goes far beyond the actual loose formula, if they want the PRO-ALCOHOL program to be reactivated in the near future.
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The dynamics of terrorism seem to follow a double track evolution. On the one hand, terrorism presents at the beginning a strong ideological component, particularly in the case of left-wings oriented terrorism. As events unfurl, terrorism drifts further apart from its original objectives. In the final stage, the ideological component relate almost exclusively to the ideology of violence for its own sake. On the other hand, the state ideological commitment to the preservation of the state creates a process whereby terrorism movements are being increasingly « marginalized ». The state administrative legal and political functions bring about a process through which terrorists, henceforth, are perceived as criminals. The case of the Red Brigades in Italy is used to illustrate this double track process.