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1. Introduction

Even though Japanese society is stereotypically perceived to be hierarchical, its norms are not always as restrictive as some may think (Nakane 1967/2009; Sugimoto 1997/2014), and factors such as an individual’s background, situation and personality affect how they may or may not conform to hierarchical expectations. Many aspects of social hierarchy are not unique to Japan; however, outsiders’ impressions of Japan tend to rely on images that are prevalent in the media, film and other cultural products, which can further enforce stereotypes (Befu 2009; Chun 2006). Literary translation is one channel through which Japanese culture is consumed and imagined. It has been pointed out that the complexities and manifestations of hierarchy are often ignored or flattened in translation, with strategies failing to recreate similar nuances in languages such as English (Harker 1999: 39). While acknowledging the challenges of transferring the subtleties of Japanese hierarchy for an anglophone readership, attempting to do so will go some way to dispel stereotypes and promote a better understanding of Japanese society.

This paper is a case study, which analyses two Japanese short stories in the collection, 第三の時効 (Dai san no jikō/The Third Deadline[1]) (2006), written by the crime fiction author Hideo Yokoyama, and demonstrates how hierarchical character interactions can be translated into English. The topic of translating hierarchy has not previously been explored in research on Japanese to English literary translation, nor in studies of crime fiction translation. This is our second study on this topic, the first being an analysis of Six Four[2] (2017), a published translation of one of Hideo Yokoyama’s crime novels. In this first study, we investigated how the depictions of hierarchy had been transferred from Japanese into English by the translator, assessing the effectiveness of these translation strategies in reproducing the source text’s (ST) nuances (Sundin and Tobias 2021). Through comparative analysis, we identified that even though target text (TT) readers were likely to reach similar interpretations of the general hierarchical and character dynamics as ST readers when these were explicitly visible through the narration or the character monologues and dialogues, in certain cases where hierarchical nuances were more implicit and required background sociolinguistic knowledge, it was necessary to consider how to compensate for gaps in the TT readers’ understanding. Some of the strategies we identified in the translation, as well as those we recommended, include the following (Sundin and Tobias 2021: 12):

  1. making the hierarchical nuances prominent in the dialogue and narration so that TT readers can discern hierarchical features from the character interactions as well as from the context and background of their relationships;

  2. adding expressions or punctuation to the dialogue to emphasise a colloquial or formal register;

  3. explicitations of the characters’ thoughts and reactions;

  4. adding to the narration surrounding the character interactions to ensure a similar understanding; and

  5. taking care not to omit ST sections that contribute to the understanding of hierarchy in the character relationships.

This paper aims to build on our previous study by applying our translation methodology, devised from this analysis, to our own translation of Yokoyama’s works and thereby reflect on the theory and practice of translating hierarchy.

We define hierarchy within a literary text as the way in which character relationships are structured based on a vertical system, conveyed through various sociolinguistic features such as speech styles and body language, as well as the characters’ behaviours. In Japanese, the formal speech style is used by a lower-ranking person or between strangers and acquaintances as a sign of politeness. It is further divided into three categories (sonkeigo/honorific, kenjōgo/humbling, teineigo/polite) (Asada 2001: 15; Uno 1985: 182). The informal style is used between equals, close acquaintances, friends, family and by someone of a higher status to someone of a lower status, with occasional gender, age and regional variables. Regarding body language, bowing is commonly used to show respect (Sugimoto 1997/2014: 143), but in some contexts is simply a formalised practice performed out of politeness or adherence to social expectations (Araki 1990: 58-9; Bachnik 1998: 107). Hierarchical status may also be demonstrated by how people physically position themselves in relation to others, as well as by replacing verbal responses to superiors with body language indicating hesitation or reluctance (Fumoto 2010: 14-17; Jinnouchi 2006: 115, 122). However, hierarchical conventions are not followed uniformly, with individual choice and the complexity of the relationship also playing significant roles.

Despite this, views on Japanese social hierarchy tend to be based on stereotypes, such as the notion that Japanese society is especially collectivist and group-oriented compared to the West, and that it emphasises the importance of a vertical chain of relationships (Nakane 1967/2009). Another is that a person’s identity is based on status and is highly dependent on the relationship he or she shares with others and is not developed independently (Lebra 1976), and that Japanese people are inherently mild-mannered and peace-loving because they place great importance on group harmony in order to avoid conflict (Ouchi 1981; Hamaguchi 1982). Through practice-based research, we attempt to explore an approach to literary translation that does not rely on cultural stereotypes, but rather provides a more nuanced portrayal of the role of hierarchy in Japanese organisations. In particular, we pose the question: how can the translation of hierarchical nuances, demonstrated in the character interactions, provide a deeper understanding of Japanese society for the target readership?

Our motivations for choosing crime fiction are twofold. Firstly, it is one of the most widely written and read literary genres around the world and it has been studied under the framework of world literature, which Damrosch (2003: 4) defines, in the age of globalisation, as “all literary works that circulate beyond their culture of origin, either in translation or in their original language.” The foreign settings, victims and criminals provide readers with intricate details about another country, demonstrating social and cultural norms, and how they can be transgressed through fictional crimes (King 2014: 14; Seago 2014: 11). Secondly, crime fiction also commonly depicts an overtly hierarchical environment such as the police force, thereby providing a wide range of examples for analysis in this case study.

This paper first provides background to Hideo Yokoyama and his works, and then discusses the theoretical implications of translation as an interpretive process of recreating effects. This is followed by an analysis of two short stories in The Third Deadline, which examines the hierarchical nuances in the text and explores procedures for rendering these nuances in English, applying the methodology that we developed in our previous study.

2. Hideo Yokoyama and his works

To date, Yokoyama has written nine novels and fifty-two short stories published in nine collections in Japanese, earning him several literary awards. However, while four of his works have entered the anglophone literary sphere through translation, he is not yet as well known as other Japanese crime writers, such as Natsuo Kirino, Miyuki Miyabe and Keigo Higashino. Yokoyama’s works are of particular interest to our study due to the realistic nature of his plots and characters (Ikegami 2006: 415; Kitagami 2001: 244) and because Yokoyama himself has stated in interviews that he has a strong interest in the effects that institutions have on individuals[3],[4] (Yokoyama 2017).

[…] I gained renewed interest in the relationship between institutions and individuals, and I wanted to write a novel with that as the theme […] No matter what industry you are in, there will be conventions and restrictions, and furthermore, Japan itself can be described as an overarching institution, so nobody can escape it.[4]

Yokoyama; our translation

His stories, therefore, focus more on the relationships between the characters than on the police investigations. As such, the hierarchical nuances in these character interactions are particularly important thematically and provide useful data for our case study.

2.1. 第三の時効 [Dai san no jikō]/ The Third Deadline

The Third Deadline contains six short stories. Each story is set in the same fictional police department (“F Prefectural P.D.”), but deals with different cases which are narrated through the perspectives of different protagonists in this department. The Japanese and English titles of the short stories we have translated are the title story 第三の時効 (The Third Deadline) and 囚人のジレンマ (The Prisoner’s Dilemma[5]). In line with Yokoyama’s interests, one of the central themes in the stories explores how human relationships are formed within an organisational context. That is, the works shed light on how people define their identities based on their positions within an organisation, how these identities dictate the type of relationships that people form and how some may struggle to conform to the identities that have been shaped by hierarchical expectations. These factors then influence a person’s sense of belonging, not just in an organisational context, but also on a deeper, psychological level.

The first short story focuses on Mori, a detective (刑事/keiji) who sits in the middle of the organisational hierarchy. His feelings of duty, which drive him to capture a murderer-on-the-run, conflict with his sympathy towards the victim’s family, who will suffer further if the police succeed. His struggles are amplified by the enmity he feels towards his superior officer, Kusumi (刑事/keiji and 班長/hanchō [squad leader]), who makes his personal and professional life difficult. The second story centres on Tabata, a detective (刑事/keiji and 課長/kachō [division chief]) who sits near the top of the organisational hierarchy, yet faces difficulties in keeping his subordinates in line because of the disillusionment he feels towards the department and his lack of personal authority. At the same time, he must deal with outsiders (reporters) who try to manipulate him.

These stories portray hierarchical relationships from the perspectives of protagonists who belong to different levels, demonstrating how a person of a particular status may (or may not) behave differently depending on the status of their interlocutor. It is evident that the complexity of Japanese hierarchical nuances has been realistically portrayed in this fictional narrative. Understanding the ways in which these nuances manifest in interpersonal interactions (whether verbally or non-verbally) is essential to understanding Japanese social norms. Additionally, we see several hierarchical features that are similar to those found in European and American police forces, such as the rank system (or the chain of command, which includes positions such as Superintendent and Inspector) and the seniority system in which officers who have been in the police force longer than others gain prestige within the organisation (King 2005: 100; Leishman 1993: 33). However, the hierarchical structure of the Japanese police organisation also follows the same system as a typical company in Japan. That is, the bu-ka-kakari-han [department, division, section, squad] system is employed in the structuring and organisation of staff, which demonstrates that even within a specialised organisation, such as the police force, the general hierarchical conventions that are expected in any institution within Japanese society still apply. As such, relationships that are formed within the police organisation, and the hierarchical nuances demonstrated in the interpersonal interactions of its members, would be easy for those who are familiar with the system to identify, but may be perceived differently by non-Japanese readers. Even though there are some interactions which are easy to interpret due to the hierarchical nature of the police force in many societies, there are a number which require in-depth analysis before translating them in order to transfer the nuances found in the ST. Through this translation, we aim to provide TT readers with insight into how people of differing status are expected to behave around others, and how such social norms may be followed or violated with varying effects and consequences, thus providing further awareness about the complexity of Japanese hierarchy. Ensuring the translation of hierarchical nuances in the interactions also makes the dialogues more realistic, adding depth to the characters. The hierarchical dimension thus complements other important features, such as the pace and flow of the narrative, and provides ST and TT readers with the opportunity to experience similar effects through the texts.

3. Translation as a process of recreating effects

In her work on translating style, Jean Boase-Beier (2011: 108) refers to literary effects as cognitive effects on the reader, such as the immediate feelings they experience and attribute to a character in the text, mental effects that arise from the search for meaning, and sometimes changes to knowledge or behaviour. A translator must perform a close reading of the ST to form an interpretation of the effects and decide which to prioritise, paying attention to intratextual, intertextual and extratextual factors that influence interpretation. As discussed in our previous study on Yokoyama’s translated novel (Sundin and Tobias 2021), we identified that intratextual factors relating to hierarchical interactions include the characters’ speech styles and body language, as well as descriptions of character relationships and situations in which they interact. Extratextual factors affecting reader (and translator) interpretation include the readers’ cultural backgrounds and the contexts of reception (for example, the readers’ familiarity with other works by the same author, their exposure to reviews of the work, etc.). Therefore, as already mentioned, ST readers are likely to form different interpretations of hierarchical interactions within a Japanese organisation compared to TT readers with less knowledge about Japanese social norms. Depending on the nature of the ST, it may not be significant to the overall effects if some of the hierarchical aspects are lost in translation. However, as in this case study, if hierarchical features contribute to the interpretation of the work’s themes as well as to characterisation, a translator may wish to place a high priority on recreating these effects (Sundin and Tobias 2021).

Since interpretation is always subjective, the translator’s agency is crucial and Venuti (2019: 8, 9) argues that there is no “invariant” that can be transferred from source to target; translation is inherently a process of manipulation that varies form, meaning and effect. A translator’s interpretation of a text and their particular “skopos” (Vermeer 1989/2004) that motivates their translation approach will be influenced by their background or “habitus[6]” (Bourdieu 1980/1990: 55), their understanding of both source and target sociocultural contexts, their familiarity with the textual genre and their literary competence (Culler 1975/1997: 63). Indeed, these factors have certainly played a role in our own reading process. For example, our experiences living and working in Japan have enabled us to observe the hierarchical dynamics that operate within Japanese organisations. Furthermore, our research into Yokoyama and his works and our close textual analysis of the ST led us to form the interpretation that the theme of organisational hierarchy and its effect on interpersonal relationships is central to the stories. Our skopos is therefore to increase understanding among TT readers of this aspect of Yokoyama’s works by adopting a translation approach that puts emphasis on transferring hierarchical nuances in all their complexity. This kind of approach, which prioritises literary effects instead of strict adherence to content or form, also encourages creative translation decisions, since it is not acceptable to simply omit the hierarchical nuances. Despite the translation challenges when there are significant cultural and linguistic differences between source and target audiences, it has been argued that “the exercise of one’s own creativity turns out to be directly proportional to the constraints to which one is subject; in other words, the more one is constrained, the more one is creative” (Loffredo and Perteghella 2006: 9). For example, since the Japanese system of honorifics does not have a direct equivalent in English, conveying the hierarchical nuances of honorifics requires innovative solutions, which we discuss below.

3.1. Translation considerations

In our previous study of Yokoyama’s translated novel Six Four (Sundin and Tobias 2021), we analysed the translation strategies to determine the likely effects these would produce for the TA, particularly in relation to the hierarchical interactions. We concluded that in order to convey to TT readers that hierarchical nuances and relationships can be determined from the way the characters speak and act, together with the context and background of the relationship, it may be effective to make these features more prominent in the translation. Such strategies include exaggerating the speech styles themselves to a degree that does not detract from the flow and naturalness of the interaction; supplementing the dialogue through explicitations of the characters’ tone or feelings towards their interlocutor; adding to the narration, either surrounding the character interactions or in other parts of the narrative where appropriate to ensure a similar understanding; and in some cases, altering the dialogue completely to transfer the nuance of the character’s utterance (Sundin and Tobias 2021: 12). To assist translation decisions about when and how to use such strategies, we developed a methodology for translating hierarchy, summarised below, which encourages careful consideration of the range of possible interpretations of hierarchical interactions instead of relying on intuitive decision-making, thus enabling a translation that better conveys the ST effects.

3.1.1. Methodology for translating hierarchical character interactions

There are two stages of analysis involved in this methodology (Sundin and Tobias 2021: 13). The first stage focuses on the ST, in which the translator analyses how the combination and interplay of factors such as the character relationship, situation/context, speech style and body language might be interpreted and understood by the ST audience as cultural insiders, drawing conclusions about the possible effects of the interaction on the ST readers:

  1. For character relationships, the translator considers whether the degree of familiarity shown explicitly/implicitly, the characters’ backgrounds and the nature of their relationship (close, collegial, polite, professional, distant, antagonistic, etc.) can affect the hierarchical dynamics represented in the narrative.

  2. The translator also considers the relevance of the situation/context of the character interaction, such as whether it is a workplace or private setting, and the purpose of the interaction (conveying an order or request, having a friendly chat, etc.).

  3. The translator considers the formality of the speech styles, interpreting the motive behind the linguistic choices.

  4. Speech style is further interpreted in light of any described body language that would help convey the character’s attitude.

The second stage before formulating the translation strategies is to carefully consider the impact of the above four factors on potential TT readers (with their different level of Japanese sociocultural knowledge), if the translation directly transferred the lexical meaning with no additional methods for conveying hierarchical nuances:

  1. Would the character relationship be easy to determine through the narration and dialogue, or may TT readers misinterpret any features of the relationship based on their own cultural backgrounds?

  2. Would the context/situation allow TT readers to draw similar inferences about behavioural expectations, or might they make incorrect assumptions?

  3. Would the nuances of the formal/informal Japanese speech styles be conveyed by simply employing different TL registers?

  4. Would the body language described in the narrative be interpreted similarly in the target culture?

If the resulting interpretations of these four factors are likely to be different between the two groups of readers, the translator needs to creatively devise translation strategies to minimise the difference.

In the following section, we analyse how the hierarchical nuances in the character interactions in The Third Deadline can be interpreted by ST readers and then apply the above methodology in the discussion of our translation approach and strategies, illustrating with some representative examples.

4. Translating hierarchy in The Third Deadline

4.1. Setting the scene

Various references to hierarchy at the organisational level are made throughout the works, particularly relating to the different departments and sections within the police force. It is immediately apparent to ST readers that the police use the standard organisational hierarchy, the bu-ka-kakari-han system, common among most Japanese companies and government departments (with bu [department] at the top and han [squad] at the bottom). The position title of the head of each unit is marked as such with the suffix -chō and is also used as a term of address (for example, buchō is the overall head of department). The ST readers’ understanding of this structure enables them to make assumptions about how the characters will interact in accordance with the conventions of this system and also to recognise when the characters diverge from organisational expectations.

Table 1

Organisational structure of “F Prefectural Police”

Organisational structure of “F Prefectural Police”

-> See the list of tables

The titles in the right column of Table 1 immediately indicate to Japanese readers where the characters sit within the organisational hierarchy; they are used in every vertically structured Japanese organisation. In the stories, the subordinate characters follow the real-life conventions by referring to their superiors by their titles, while the superiors address their subordinates by their names. Since these titles and conventions would be unfamiliar to most TT readers, we decided that the addition of a pedagogical aid in the form of the above table would be necessary to explicitly show the structure. As ST readers initially determine whether a certain character is acting in accordance with their status, based on their understanding of this structure, the addition of peritextual material potentially gives TT readers the means to arrive at a similar understanding. This table would be included at the front of the book to be consulted by the reader as necessary. By providing the titles in the table, we were then able to use the transliterated Japanese titles such as “Kachō” and “Hanchō” in the character dialogues, reflecting how people in Japanese organisational settings actually refer to one another. Conversely, we used their English translations such as “the director of the Criminal Investigations Section” and “squad leader” in the narration to provide additional means for target readers to understand the characters’ hierarchal positions. These methods enable the importance of Japanese organisational systems to be conveyed. While the disadvantages of providing additional information or notes in a literary translation have been discussed extensively, the advantages have also been pointed out (see Baker 1993; Landers 2001; Sanchez-Ortiz 2015). This strategy gives the TT readers the choice to either ignore the information if they deem it intrusive to their reading experience, or to consult it if necessary.

4.2. Character interactions

The hierarchical nuances in the character interactions help readers build detailed pictures of the characters and interpret the themes of the novel. Some character relationships are presented in a straightforward manner that would allow TT readers to reach a similar interpretation as ST readers through a relatively direct translation[7]. Other relationships are more complex, requiring ST readers to consider multiple factors (such as speech styles, background, context, body language as outlined in the methodology) and then to interpret them based on their sociocultural understanding. As discussed above, such interpretations would be difficult for TT readers without additional context or explanation. Below are examples of character interactions that posed translation problems, and the solutions that we applied based on the analysis of multiple factors in the ST and TT.

4.2.1. Translation problem: conveying informal and formal speech styles

Even if not particularly complex, a hierarchical relationship is often clearly indicated in the ST by the contrast between formal and informal speech styles in the character dialogue. In this case, it may be necessary to provide TT readers with supplementary features because of the comparative lack of speech style variations in English.

The two examples below show Mori, the protagonist of The Third Deadline, speaking and behaving in starkly different ways with two different characters, demonstrating that even though both relationships are uncomplicated, the ways in which he communicates are quite different. In the first example, Mori is shown to have a collegial relationship with Miyajima, an equal-ranking police officer with whom he can interact freely without any hierarchical constraints dictating his speech or behaviour. In this scene, they are chatting during a break in the investigation, and while no background is provided on the characters’ relationship, ST readers would immediately assume they are equals through the casual speech style they employ, particularly the stereotypical masculine expressions. This is further strengthened by the situation in which the interaction takes place: the men are now somewhat off-duty and getting ready to rest for the night in the break room, and therefore are at ease with each other. Their body language, with Miyajima speaking to Mori while lying down, and Mori in the process of doing the same, indicate familiarity and some closeness. In all the examples that follow, relatively literal glosses are provided in square brackets underneath the ST. Our translation is then provided below.

The interaction between these two characters can be effectively conveyed by selecting linguistic features that transfer the casual tone of the conversation. For Miyajima’s utterances (underlined), the use of “Hey” to address Mori, as well as the contractions (“d’you,” etc.) allow TT readers to recognise that the two officers are conversing using a casual register. Mori’s responses (double underlined) also replicate the tone by selecting shorter, more blunt expressions (for example, “What?” rather than “What is it?” or even “Yes?”; “Who knows?” rather than “I don’t know.”). Through this attention to register in the dialogue translation, as well as the context provided through the narration, TT readers would likely make a similar interpretation that the two characters occupy an equal status in the police hierarchically. This understanding is likely to shape their expectations of all further interactions between the characters, as well as help readers form an image of the protagonist (Mori) for the remainder of the story, since they can see how he sounds and behaves when he is being himself.

The second example which follows the above interaction shows Mori with another police officer, Uegusa, Deputy Leader of Squad 2 of the Major Crimes Section. Their relationship is presented as purely professional because readers are informed through the narration that, though Mori belongs to Squad 1, he had been dispatched to assist Squad 2 with their investigation. Both characters are on duty and are discussing the state of the investigation, and as a result, ST readers would expect Mori to speak formally and Uegusa to speak informally, which happens to be the case. As nothing in the dialogue and narration suggests there to be negative feelings between the two, there is no break in hierarchical conventions.

The translation needs to ensure that the difference in the speech styles used by the characters in the ST is rendered in the TT such that their status difference is clear. As speech styles in English are not as varied or elaborate as they are in Japanese, it was necessary to consider how the formality of Mori and the casualness of Uegusa, which are shown through word choices and formal/informal verb endings in the ST, could be reproduced in the TT through different linguistic features. We therefore decided to add politeness markers to Mori’s speech such as “May I ask” and avoid contractions (single underlined). Conversely, we deliberately used contractions and colloquial expressions for Uegusa (double underlined) to emphasise the informal register, even if these features are not necessarily found in the ST. This is especially the case with the expression “Hell if I know,” which we believe transfers the tone more effectively than a lexically equivalent translation, such as “I don’t know.” As this interaction follows the above dialogue between Mori and Miyajima, TT readers are able to further build their image of Mori as a character. His markedly different speech styles clearly illustrate the shift in Mori’s position vis-à-vis his interlocutor, from equal-ranking officer in the first example to subordinate in this example, and show that he follows the hierarchical conventions and expectations in these cases.

4.2.2. Translation problem: conveying sudden changes in speech style that indicate changes in attitude

However, there are also cases where a character suddenly changes their speech style mid-conversation. In Japanese, a switch between formal and informal speech styles can linguistically demonstrate a change in the character’s attitude towards their interlocutor. However, if the ranges and degrees of speech styles are not as marked in the target language, it is difficult to make the shift clearly noticeable. This is problematic because it may affect the overall impression of the interaction for the TT readers. The next example shows the final part of the first direct interaction between Mori and his superior Kusumi in The Third Deadline. Mori’s speech style changes significantly after Kusumi insults Mori’s partner. Here we see Mori abandon all pretence of conforming to hierarchical conventions that he was following up to that point and adopt an informal, confrontational tone with aggressive word choices which strongly reflect his anger.

A direct translation in this case does not transfer the same level of anger that is expressed by the character, nor the startling effect of the sudden and aggressive change in the speech style observed in the ST. We therefore added verbs that explained the tone of Mori’s utterances (underlined ) to ensure that TT readers can realise the substantial shift in Mori’s speech style and attitude to demonstrate that he is not simply responding in a manner that would be expected of a subordinate officer. To further emphasise this point, the final exclamation by Mori has been completely altered (double underlined ), as a close to literal translation of “public security bastard[9]” does not have the same impact in English as it does in Japanese. We believe that the use of a strong expletive captures the intensity of Mori’s emotion that is evident in the ST and dispels any stereotype the TT reader may hold to the effect that Japanese subordinates would maintain politeness, even in difficult situations. What this change demonstrates is that while hierarchical conventions are followed to a certain extent, individuals can and do diverge from what is expected when they are pushed, or when they feel it is the appropriate response. The fact that Mori does not face consequences for his outburst shows that nonconformity is not always punished.

4.2.3. Translation problem: conveying blurred hierarchy

While some hierarchical relationships may be easy to recognise, others are complicated by factors such as shared history and the degree of familiarity in the relationship. These factors affect ST readers’ expectations and interpretations of character interactions, which may not conform to standard hierarchical norms. TT readers, however, may have trouble understanding how these factors can play a part in defining relationships within a Japanese organisational context, especially if some of these factors (such as age and seniority) influence the readers to make interpretations based on stereotypes. One such example can be demonstrated through Tabata, the director of the Criminal Investigations Division and protagonist of The Prisoner’s Dilemma, and the relationship he shares with Bannai, who is a detective in Squad 3 of the Division. Their first interaction occurs when Tabata visits the squad to hear updates on their case. Details on the background of their relationship have already been provided, and ST readers are aware that Bannai is older and has been in the police force for much longer than Tabata, previously serving as his mentor. However, at this point in the story, he is Tabata’s subordinate. When they start to converse, both characters address each other formally, though not rigidly so. They both display some softness, especially in Bannai’s speech which conjures an image of a kindly old man who is also somewhat reserved. Tabata’s formal speech style suggests there is some deference in his tone, despite being the superior officer. From these factors, ST readers might interpret the motive for their choices of speech style not only as following hierarchical conventions – Tabata for his former mentor and senior (in experience and age), and Bannai for his former mentee who excelled within the police organisation – but also as an expression of respect they both feel for each other, even if their status difference goes against the stereotypical understanding of age-based hierarchy in Japan.

The nuances conveyed by the use of the formal (polite) speech style by both characters in the ST are difficult to reproduce in translation. While it is possible to employ linguistic features that express formality in English, the target audience lacks the sociocultural awareness necessary to interpret the implicit motives behind the characters’ linguistic choices. We therefore decided to more explicitly represent the respect both characters have for each other through two procedures. The first adds a supplementary sentence in the narration (underlined) before the interaction takes place to indicate the respect Tabata feels towards Bannai that would influence the readers’ interpretation of all subsequent interactions. The second involves borrowing through transliteration to maintain the suffix (-san) in Bannai’s name. While some TT readers may not be familiar with the use of these suffixes, it offers them a view of how such small linguistic features can be used to indicate hierarchical difference as well as familiarity, which is the case with these characters.

The following example from the end of the interaction above shows how their long and complex relationship shapes their interactions. When Tabata has a moment of weakness and feels the need to depend on Bannai, just as he had most likely done in the past, he ends up holding back, using their status difference as an excuse. Bannai addresses Tabata by his title as if he understood what Tabata was thinking, but with Tabata’s invitation to call him by his old nickname, the tone suddenly changes. Bannai drops the formal speech style and begins to speak to Tabata in his natural, casual manner, while Tabata continues to speak in the formal speech style. The image that this interaction evokes is that the two characters have returned to the state of their earlier relationship when Bannai was Tabata’s mentor.

The change in speech style in the TT would be noticeable with Bannai’s sudden shift to colloquial expressions and word choices, but the resulting impression that this shift produces may not be as evident. By adding the underlined sentence, we can make it clear how Bannai sounds with the transition, that he is no longer reserved and now sounds like a typical detective. In addition, by maintaining the suffix in “Ban-san” used by Tabata, it can also show that his speech style has not changed, and they are communicating once again like mentor/mentee. We believe that these strategies make the reversal of speech styles (and the reversal of the imagined positions of the characters) more noticeable to TT readers, allowing them to gain a similar understanding of the psychological and emotional dynamics at play. Tabata and Bannai’s relationship shows how hierarchical conventions are not rigid and can be applied flexibly depending on the relationship and personal choice of those involved.

5. Conclusion

The above analysis indicates that the hierarchical nuances evident in the ST are demonstrated in a variety of ways, which allows ST readers to build images of the characters and their relationships, based on their sociocultural understanding of Japanese organisations. While some of these relationships were relatively easy to transfer to the TT through a straightforward translation process, especially when information about these features was expressed explicitly through the narration or the character monologues and dialogues, some nuances were more challenging to render. When the image of the characters and their relationships depended heavily on the readers’ assumed sociolinguistic knowledge of Japanese speech styles or cultural knowledge of hierarchical norms, additional steps were required to bridge the gap between the two readerships. These included making the hierarchical relationship more prominent in the dialogues, such as by emphasising the differences between colloquial and formal speech styles, and making the characters’ registers more explicit (through lexical choices, use of punctuation, etc.). Other strategies included additions to the narration surrounding the dialogues to indicate the character’s tone or even thought processes. When hierarchical nuances were demonstrated more indirectly, it was sometimes necessary to add supplementary contextual detail in the narration to explicitly provide information about the characters’ relationship that would be implicitly understood by ST readers.

Like many of Yokoyama’s works of crime fiction, The Third Deadline has a strong thematic focus on the relationship between organisations and individuals, which provided a useful case study to examine how translators may deal with the challenges posed by representations of hierarchy within a text. While recognising that the range of possible interpretations of literary effects will vary, the examples analysed demonstrate the importance of a translation approach that attempts to recreate the hierarchical effects of the ST and compensate for the significant differences in the sociocultural background of the readerships.

Through our analysis and practice-based research, we have developed a broad methodology to assist literary translators in text analysis and formulation of translation strategies where it is deemed important to recreate hierarchical nuances in the translation. Given that problems relating to the translation of hierarchical interactions are likely to vary depending on the text, this methodology can act as a starting point which may be modified as appropriate.

Hierarchical norms are not exclusive to Japan and exist to some extent in every society, although the particular conventions and manifestations may differ. Consequently, further research would be useful to determine whether the foregoing methodology may be beneficial for translators between other languages and cultures with different hierarchical systems.