FR:

Caractérisée à ses débuts par l'autonomie des syndicats locaux et plus tard par l’importance du rôle des conseils centraux et surtout des fédérations, la Confédération des Syndicats Nationaux s'est transformée graduellement en une vaste union multi-industrielle. A l’aube d'une nouvelle révolution industrielle au Québec, à l'heure de la révolution tranquille et des problèmes causés par l’automation et face à ses responsabilités nouvelles dans le contexte québécois, la C.S.N. a commencé à effectuer de profonds changements dans ses structures et ses services.

EN:

Since a few years, one can observe more and more that union leaders speak with insurance in the name of their members. But there has been among all those interventions from union leaders many abuses of administrative authority especially regarding political statements. We are thus interested in the present paper in the phenomena of the concentration of powers in union centrals and their consequences on union democracy.

Because of the many difficulties brought by such a study, I have prefered to consider the distribution of powers in a Quebec union central, the Confederation of the National Trade Union.

STRUCTURE OF ORGANIZATION

One can find in the sociological literature many different definitions of the word structure. We can state for example those of Durkeim, Maclver, Page, Radcliffe-Brown, Willems, Hart, etc.

But to our knowledge it is Siegfried Frederick Nadel who has presented the most complete one :

« ... in studying 'structure' we study essentially the interrelation or arrangements of 'parts in some total entity or whole'. »

It would be useful to mention that in the following lines, the use of the word structure will refer to the structure of powers i.e. the distribution of powers between the different parties involved within the CNTU.

Let us now state the different factors influencing a structure :

a) The nature of the group, its aims and roles (temporary or permanent).

b) The personnality of the leaders.

c) The communications.

The unions have a structure exactly in the same sense as other groups. If one considers the structure of an union central such as the CNTU, he will have to study the arrangement of its different parts such as the local union, the trades council, the industrial federation, etc., in the total entity of the union organisation.

We cannot allow ourself to try to outline a general model of a structure of powers in union organizations. In fact the distribution of powers changes considerably from one union to the other. In order to simplify things, I will present a simplified typology which will serve as landmarks in the study of the distribution of powers at the CNTU.

The structure of powers in an union organization can take two extreme forms : decentralization and centralization.

The powers can thus be distributed according to two principles and this as well in a union organization as in any other kind of organization. A labor movement could have a decentralized structure of powers i.e. based upon the principles of exclusive jurisdiction and autonomy of the parties, of their right to organize committees in order to negotiate collective agreements without the intervention of superior members. This was the picture of the UAW a few years after its foundation.

However one can observe in an organization a concentration of powers at the top. This concentration tends to reduce the importance of the role of the composants and to annihilate any kind of initiative. It was the case of the- United Steelworkers under Phillip Murray.

Usually, when established, the labor organizations have a decentralized structure of powers. But the more it grows, the more powers pass from the hand of the members to the full time specialists employed by the union.

TYPE OF ORGANIZATION

Let us say at the beginning that there are many principles of organizations or combinations of many principles ; the trade unions, the industrial unions, the general union, the associated trades, the semi-industrial unions and the multi-industrial unions.

We will however consider only the three main principles of organization : territorial, professional and industrial. Those three forms of organization seem to have succeeded one another throughout the history of the labor movement.

Because of those differences in organization, it is not surprising to see major differences taking place between the leaders and the permanent employees of each of those types of organization.

Let us summarize in a few words the thoughts of Friedman & Naville of this subject : the permanent employees of territorial union are little specialized while those of professional unions rapidly become key men. At last, the presence of bureaucracy in industrial union lead to give responsability to the superiors and promotion following competence.

Because of the emergence of bureaucracy, it would be interesting to study one of the crucial problems that it brought up : The concentration of powers and the factors favorising it.

THE CONCENTRATION OF POWERS IN UNIONISM : ITS FACTORS

The concentration of powers is a general phenomena in our Society and unionism cannot escape from it. However there are a few fundamental factors at the basis of this centralization in any kind of union central :

a) The enlargement of markets.

b) The dimensions of modem firms.

c) The nature of the organization.

d) Complexity and experts.

e) The first structural form.

f) The increasing role of intermediate bodies.

THE DIFFERENT STEPS IN THE DISTRIBUTION OF POWERS AT THE CNTU

1st step : 1921-1936

According to article III of the Constitution and By-laws of the CCCL (1921), the CCCL left autonomy to its composant groups.

It is to be noted that local unions must be members of a central group in order to be affiliated to the CCCL. If there is no such group existing, they can be affiliated directly but only on a provisory manner.

In this three level structure, the Confederal Congress held the greatest powers. The Constitution of 1921 does not say a word about the powers given to central organizations such as the federations and the central councils. However a resolution of the General Meeting of 1929 notes the role of the federation in the negotiation of collective agreements. The proceedings of the general meeting of 1935 gave the central councils the right to organize local unions.

It took a long time to central organization to react to this decentralization of powers and services at the level of local unions. The local unions often did not affiliate to federations, often went on strike without any authorization from the Confederal Bureau and neglected to pay their per capita to the Confederation and central organizations.

2nd step : 1937-1960

The Constitution was revised at the general meeting of 1937. It was decided that only union federations, district unions, central councils and trades council were allowed to be affiliated directly to the Confederation.

The administrative power was given to the Confederal Bureau now formed by the executive of the CCCL, the directors representing the federations, district unions and central councils. The executive power stayed in the hands of the executive while the legislative power was in the hands of the general assembly.

The general meeting of 1939 decided that local unions were to present any resolution to their central council or federation.

After the Second World War, it appeared to the leaders that since the revision of the Constitution in 1937, the central organizations have done whatever they have wanted : this has led to a lack of coordination in the organization work.

The general meetings of 1946, 1948, 1949 and 1950 took little by little autonomy away from the federations and central councils.

It thus seems that during this twenty four years period has been characterized by a growing importance of the intermediate bodies, professional and territorial, by an autonomy drive from local unions, by the inaction of the Confederal Bureau and by more administrative routine work at the level of the executive. An attempt has been made by the end of this period to increase the importance of the CCCL role. But it will only be in 1961 that we will assist to a real edification of the central as the main responsible of decisions.

3rd step : 1961-1967

The special general meeting of 1961 gave the central its actual orientation. It abandoned the name of the Catholic and Canadian Confederation of Labor for the Confederation of National Trade-Unions. A very important decision was taken. Still admitting the existence of the central bodies, the general meeting decided to take all their powers away by centralizing the services.

THE CONCENTRATION OF POWERS AT THE CNTU : ITS FACTORS

There are a few factors explaining the ascension of powers from the local union to the federation and finally to the central itself :

1.—the increase in membership ;

2.—complexity and efficiency ;

3.—unionism in a socialized context ;

4.—inter union rivalry ;

5.—other factors :

a ) the coming of industrial and multi-industrial unionism ;

b ) the merger of the other Canadian labor union centrals ;

c) the concentration of membership on an homogeneous territory.

CONCLUSION

In its beginning the CCCL was characterized by the autonomy of its local unions and later by the important role of it central councils. But the CNTU has changed step by step to become a vast multi-industrial union. The tensions at the level of the doubleheaded direction of the CNTU and the quarrels between the intellectuals and those coming from the rank and file have kept the reform from being total. It seems however that the CNTU will be over with it in a few years.

EN:

Assuming that managerial techniques developed through experience in the domestic situation and through a synthesis of the research and writings of accepted writers in the field of management are too often taken by executives for immediate installation and ready acceptance by supervision in a different cultural setting, Mr. Carlisle decided, in 1966, to conduct a study to explore in three cultural settings the perceptions of managers of the approach used by their lower level supervisors in directing the work of employees. This paper is a presentation of this study and its findings.

FR:

Il peut bien arriver qu'un cadre (ou un officier de compagnie) muté dans un milieu culturel différent se dise que « les gens sont les mêmes partout » et que « les techniques de direction développées dans son propre milieu sont applicables sans grandes modifications dans un autre milieu culturel ».

Cette minimisation des différences culturelles nous semble encore plus caractérisée en Amérique du Nord où l'on peut oublier trop facilement l'existence d'au moins trois milieux culturels différents : les Etats-Unis, le Canada anglais et le Canada français.

Comme les anthropologues culturels tendent à concentrer leurs analyses sur des situations sociales plutôt qu'industrielles, les résultats de leurs recherches nous semblent tout simplement inadéquats pour la compréhension de l'influence des variables culturelles dans une situation industrielle très souvent caractérisée par des structures de pouvoir imposées de l'extérieur.

FR:

L'auteur décrit brièvement quelques-uns des cas de conflit que rencontre le professionnel salarié dans la grande entreprise. Il lui apparaît important pour bien poser un problème aussi complexe de suggérer quelques esquisses de solutions plutôt que d'aligner des recettes nombreuses à partir d'une maigre définition ou d'une fausse évaluation de la réalité conflictuelle de la profession et de l'entreprise.

EN:

It has always been Man's basic challenge to tame and dominate his material environment, and particularly his work situation, which is likely to be within the framework of the large-scale organization, whether industrial, commercial, governmental, etc. Man is increasingly a member of Peter Drucker's « employee society », working for wage or salary under the authority of others in a big, rather impersonal enterprise.

Professional people, especially, grow numerically more than any other group in the labour force, as befits a strongly industrialized society ; and most of them work for a salary in ever larger organizations. The contact between profession and enterprise may be painful, in view of the nature of both institutions ; flexible accommodation, however, will make their collaboration stable, efficient, and satisfactory to both.

THE PROFESSION

Western Man is primarily what he does. This serves to explain why the newer professions like Engineering, Administration, Accounting, Industrial Relations, have shot for the ultimate in the range of occupations, namely for the traits and prestige of the full-fledged, traditional profession (e.g., Law, Medicine). It is true that the new salaried professionals possess, in common with their non-salaried colleagues, such characteristics as an extensive intellectual training, a high degree of specialization, a professional association, a legal framework, a code of ethics, a specialized literature, and so on. However, the nature of services rendered by the salaried professionals, as shall be demonstrated later, differs sharply from those dispensed by the traditional professions to a diversified clientele in exchange for fees ; such services were specific (rather exclusive, by professional X to client Y at time Z) and original ( personal, routineless and based on « ad hoc » judgment ) ; and the service relationship was usually discontinuous, direct, and immediate. The traditional profession, furthermore, enjoyed (almost) total autonomy, in the sense that its members could render their services in complete freedom with regard to choice of methods, type of conduct, and the « layman » ; needless to say, things are relatively different in the large-scale organization.

THE ORGANIZATION

Ideally, the large-scale organization seeks maximum efficiency of means toward clear objectives set in an authoritarian fashion ; it seeks pragmatic results through rational means and according to detailed, compulsory norms, within a rigid hierarchy of positions and people. Each employee works with strictly defined limits of responsabilities, within the sphere of his specific competence ; he is subject to discipline, formalism, social and hierarchical distance.

PROFESSION IN BIG ENTERPRISE : SOME AREAS OF CONFLICT

Some traits of the traditional profession help define specific, potential areas of conflict between profession and enterprise. It must be kept in mind, however, that those two institutions are compatible, and that their intermingling and co-operation have produced new heights of efficiency for mankind while modifying them mutually so that organizations are more and more being governed by professional norms, and professions become increasingly aware of, and responsive to organizational demands.

Extensive intellectual training : the professional is a man of rationality who does not readily identify with the policies and procedures of management. He is very demanding in terms of communication, knowledge, creativeness, control, evaluation. His desire to increase knowledge may clash with the immediate interests of the enterprise. In the latter, science and the professions are regarded as instruments amongst other : high-caliber, often irreplaceable, but instruments nonetheless.

High degree of specialization; the professional in industry tends to aim at exclusive actions in given areas which often conflict with « managerial rights » to determine the nature and hierarchy of jobs, to set performance standards, to recruit, transfer and promote, and so on. To managers, the area of competence is not necessarily exclusive.

Service : the salaried professional in large-scale organization is quick to realize how far he is from the service ideal formed at a time when the economy was dominated by the activity of individuals as such, and how close he gets to the notion of a global service provided by large organizations which are, in the final analysis, the modern expression of the profession. The professional, then, will still serve the community, but in most cases as a salaried employee in an organization which will synthesize and coordinate all professional and non-professional efforts required ; the organization is the client of the salaried professional, whose services are likely to be less specific, less discontinuous and less personal than those provided in private practice.

Professional association : this would clash with the enterprise, should it demand an exclusive loyalty from its members ; for, the large organization also requires unreserved allegiance from all its personnel, professional or other. Dual loyalty, therefore, must be nurtured by the professional man in enterprise.

Autonomy : the freedom of the salaried professional with regard to choice of objectives, methods, and rhythm of work, and also to non-members, is limited by the imperatives of the organization itself. Management intends to determine urgency and importance, to be free from outside pressure if at all possible. It cannot accept willingly that professions claim to be sole judges of work performed within its framework. For in the eyes of management, authority originates from the position, assignments, and delegation, and not from the specialized competence of the job holder. For instance, the enterprise cannot easily allow the salaried professional to choose freely his own problems and field of activity : for where the professional may want to expand, management for equally good, but different, reasons may wish to cut down ; the « science-oriented » professional will frequently be shocked by the « profit-minded » entrepreneur ; when is essential to one will often be secondary to the other ; what is urgent to one will not always be so to the other ; and the professional in the large organization may easily be a harsh judge of administrative orders or procedures which are most warranted from another point of view. And yet, the salaried professional cannot scorn the need for punctuality, work standards, discipline, hierarchical levels, and modes of delegating authority. Though it is natural for him to want only a minimum of strict rules and interventions from higher up, he must understand that such elements cannot be completely eliminated if the organization is to maintain its cohesion and coherence. He must recognize that he cannot enjoy full autonomy in his professional work for the pure and simple reason that he does not possess all the skills and ability required to accomplish an extremely complex job, subdivided into many parts. He is only one part of a whole extending far beyond the realm of his specific professional competence ; thus, his share of the collective endeavour must hinge on that of others, coordinated with other activities, and tempered by rules geared to the overall objectives of the organization, which are too broad to be fulfilled by the efforts of one professional, and even of one profession, alone.

ACCOMMODATION AS A SOLUTION

Beyond the frictions between profession (or the individual professional) and the enterprise over matters of autonomy, status, financial rewards and work environment, there is the obvious need for reconciling the two institutions through compromise, mutual respect, accommodation, and co-operation.

The Profession

The Profession (and the professional) cannot lay claim to total freedom in matters of work and discipline. It must integrate, with some loss of autonomy, its main function (that of protecting standards leading to creative activity) into the framework of the organization. The professional needs the powerful resources of the organization ; so must he help maintain a proper balance between professional liberty and administrative authority.

The Organization

The Organization, for its part, must successfully meet the challenge of making full use of science and the professions, not as enemies to subjugate, but as allies to liberate in all their potentialities. It must show imagination in order to see in its professionals people of a special type and training, who bring to the organization a complex body of knowledge, sentiments, and expectations which must be fully understood and utilized. Such an attitude is distinct from favouritism and paternalism, and must respect basic administrative rules of justice and equality. The firm should constantly revise its definitions of efficiency, profitability and the « best » way to perform professional work, re-examine its disciplinary standards for professional employees, and never hope for the total identification of the professional with corporate means of reaching ends. The organization must take into account the particularises of the professional labour market, place as much emphasis on the professional job holder as on the job itself, and sacrifice some tempting uniformities and conformities in favour of a genuine acceptance of opinion differences and non-conformity as essential elements of the organization. It must also improve communications with its professional employees, foster an atmosphere of creativity, which is essentially one of freedom, and respect the professional standards of excellence, disinterestedness, foresight, and prestige inasmuch as they do not go against basic corporate policy. In short, management must confidently utilize science and the professions as prodigious industrial resources.

Personnel administrators have a leading role to play in this process of accommodation between profession and enterprise. Personnel Research must constantly probe into the psycho-sociological and economic aspects of human adjustment to organization, and support long-range planning of professional manpower. Recruitment of professionals must be performed with special care, realism and a total absence of « buttering-up ».Development must be accomplished by use of all relevant resources, inside and out (courses, study sessions, trips, « refreshers », reorientation), on all pertinent matters (technical, administrative, economic, psycho-sociological), in order to victoriously fight obsolescence. Remuneration must be adequate and » fair », in terms of internal logic and market situations ; management should not be scared to experiment in terms of « career scales » and « dual ladders » of promotion (technical and administrative). Welfare must show flexibility in devising plans for specific groups, inasmuch as administratively feasible. And finally, Industrial Relations, whenever involved, must realistically accept the forms of association which the salaried professionals will want to establish, with due respect, of course, for sound administrative practices and clear lines of demarcation within the hierarchical structure.

CONCLUSION

Profession and organization are compatible ; their marriage, however, does not always go without frictions ; these may be alleviated, if not altogether eliminated, by a proper understanding of the nature of both institutions, by mutual respect and confidence, and by a joint effort to attain a compromise which will safeguard the basic needs of both the firm and the professionals. Such harmonious and realistic co-operation may only lead them both to new peaks of accomplishment.

EN:

It can hardly be doubted that the International Federation of Christian Trade Unions has undergone a profound transformation. Not only has it ceased to be an exclusively European movement, but it is rapidly growing secular and also becoming a radical or revolutionary type of trade unionism.

FR:

INTRODUCTION

Dans le domaine du syndicalisme international, l'étude de la CISC présente aujourd'hui un intérêt manifeste. Autrefois, partie négligeable devant les autres centrales internationales (telles la CISL ¹ et la FSM²), la CISC attire de plus en plus une attention marquée.

Un intéressant phénomène de transformation de l'intérieur durant la dernière décade a pu amener une croissance accélérée dans le « membership » et dans les moyens financiers. Les facteurs de ce changement dans le caractère et l'orientation de la CISC sont nombreux. Nommons entre autres : le besoin d'attirer des membres dans les pays sous-développés, le processus de sécularisation, l'esprit « d'aggiornamento » introduit par le Pape Jean XXIII dans l'Eglise catholique et la venue au pouvoir dans la centrale d'un « leadership » ambitieux et énergique.

HISTORIQUE

Les premiers syndicats catholiques et protestants qui ont été formés se présentaient comme une alternative à l'approche anticléricale des organisations socialistes et anarchiques. Ceux qui participaient à la formation de ces premiers syndicats, tout motivés d'abord par l'urgence de répandre la doctrine chrétienne et de réagir à l'influence socialiste, n'entretenaient que de vagues notions au sujet de la réforme du système capitaliste et de la protection des intérêts des travailleurs.

Même si les syndicats chrétiens connurent d'abord une légère expansion, leur importance et leur influence n'en demeuraient pas moins assez marginales. C'était plutôt, selon les mots d'un membre : « une organisation composée d'un petit nombre de faibles éléments et destinée à une vie précaire ».

De 1920 à 1945

La période expérimentale du mouvement des travailleurs chrétiens se termina par la fondation de la CISC en 1920, sans toutefois mettre un terme à ses faiblesses internes et à ses antagonismes. La venue de régimes autoritaristes en Italie, Allemagne et Autriche amena de coûteuses pertes dans le « membership » de l'organisation. Malgré ses handicaps (et quelques autres), le mouvement n'en continua pas moins d'exister et d'évoluer.

Pendant la période d'entre deux guerres, l'organisation était plutôt décrite comme « l'internationale blanche », rattachée à la doctrine chrétienne en tant que base à la société humaine.

De 1945 à 1952

La deuxième guerre mondiale interrompit pratiquement toutes les activités de la CISC pour plusieurs années. La reconstruction du mouvement ouvrier chrétien dans le pays ou le fascisme et le nazisme l'avaient détruit fut la tâche première de la confédération pendant plusieurs années. Ses efforts ne rencontrèrent que peu de succès. L'expansion des fédérations nationales existantes s'avéra toutefois plus profitable. La reconstruction de la CISC prit donc place dans le même milieu européen (France et Belgique) qui la caractérisait avant la guerre.

Le point tournant

Après le départ de Serrarens en 1952, qui fut secrétaire général pendant 32 ans, l'organisation connut une profonde transformation pour prendre l'allure d'un mouvement vraiment international non confessionnel et susceptible d'attirer les pays sous-développés par des slogans révolutionnaires et socialistes. En 1955, lors du Xlle congrès, même si les éléments européens continuèrent de miner, on pouvait raisonnablement escompter que la voie des autres continents devienne de plus en plus forte dans le futur. Finalement, l'élection de Vanistendael et de ses associés signifia la montée au pouvoir d'une nouvelle génération moins identifiée avec les luttes chrétiennes contre le socialisme, plus susceptible d'accepter quelques-uns des postulats du socialisme et définitivement imprégnée d'une vision universelle de ses fonctions. On comprend assez facilement que ce facteur combiné au processus de sécularisation, à la montée des pays sous-développés et à la modernisation de l'Eglise catholique puisse mener à la naissance d'un nouvel esprit et d'une nouvelle approche.

SITUATION ACTUELLE

Les congrès, autorité suprême de la CISC en matière d'élaboration des politiques, se tiennent au moins une fois à tous les trois ans et sont composés des fédérations nationales et des syndicats internationaux. Second dans la hiérarchie, le conseil général peut ressembler à un congrès en miniature dans lequel le nombre des représentants est réduit pendant que le nombre des rencontres est augmenté. A son tour, le bureau est peut-être le plus important organisme de la CISC puisqu'il s'occupe des questions quotidiennes et qu'il est autorisé, de par la constitution, à traiter de tout sujet non spécifiquement assigné à d'autres organismes. Les organisations régionales et les comités sont des organismes à compétence limitée.

Au point de vue « membership », la CISC dit représenter environ 12 millions de travailleurs (membres en règle et sympathisant). Quant au nombre de membres en règle, un tableau statistique, publié en 1963 par le Ministère du Travail Américain, estimait le « membership » de la CISC à 3.6 millions.

Il est assez difficile d'analyser les aspects financiers de l'organisation. On sait cependant qu'il existe d'abord un fond de solidarité constitué des contributions des pays industrialisés, sur une base d'un franc belge par tête. Il y a en plus, évidemment, le fond général correspondant au budget ordinaire de l'institution et composé des contributions des organisations affiliées. Si durant ces 47 années d'existence, la CISC n'a élu que deux secrétaires généraux et 7 présidents, c'est qu'elle n'a pas échappé aux caractéristiques et aux problèmes qui sont habituellement le lot de semblables organisations. Le phénomène a même pu être accentué dans son cas à cause des sources limitées de recrutement disponible.

Cependant les dirigeants de la CISC ont su prouver qu'il représentaient plus qu'une simple bureaucratie internationale. Vanistendael et ses associés ont élargi les horizons de l'organisation de telle façon qu'on peut maintenant élaborer sur les nombreux signes de transformations qui se sont produites.

SIGNES DE CHANGEMENT

L'universalisation

Le XVe congrès tenu à Liège en 1964 donna l'impression nette d'une certaine tendance vers l'universalisation et vers l'abandon de la tradition européenne. Les premiers signes de cette tendance à s'étendre dans tous les pays du monde furent notés dans les années 50. Il existe deux raisons fondamentales à l'idée d'universalisation de la CISC :

1.—Etant une organisation ouvrière de bonne foi, elle doit tendre à l'universalisation à cause de l'idée internationale du travail.

2.—Aussi, vu son inspiration catholique elle doit respecter le caractère d'universalité de cette Eglise.

La sécularisation

La CISC qui fut d'abord confessionnelle pour ensuite devenir inter-confessionnelle finit par adopter une approche non-confessionnelle.

Le schisme français

Dès son apparition en 1920, la CFTC a été divisée en deux groupes opposés : une aile droite formée par les collets blancs et les employés civils ; en second lieu, on nota une espèce d'aile gauche formée par les travailleurs industriels surtout ceux du textile et de la métallurgie. Ces derniers formèrent une minorité à l'intérieur de la CFTC, minorité qui avec les années finit par devenir la majorité accentuant ainsi la bataille interne contre le caractère confessionnel du mouvement. Ceci amena en 1963, l'élimination du mot « chrétien » et l'introduction de changements fondamentaux au caractère de la confédération.

Relation avec les autres mouvements internationaux

On note plusieurs facteurs qui ont influencé l'attitude de la CISC face à ses rivales. Des différences idéologiques, la volonté de garder son identité, la conscience de sa petitesse et une histoire de frustrations ont contribué à établir et à conditionner les politiques de la CISC face à la CISL et la FSM. Historiquement, il y a toujours eu, et ce depuis 1945 une rivalité entre la CISC et les autres organisations internationales : cette rivalité tend cependant à s'atténuer depuis quelques années.

Les socialistes chrétiens

L'évolution des esprits permit à la CISC de considérer comme utiles certains moyens comme la grève et la nationalisation autrefois qualifiées de moyens contraires au principe chrétien.

L'Eglise catholique et l'esprit de modernisation

L'évolution de la pensée de l'Eglise catholique est notable : Les encycliques de 1832 à 1891 condamnèrent les innovations et le socialisme : Les encycliques Mater et Magistra et Pacem in Terris qui eurent la tendance de transformer l'Eglise en un moyen de modernisation prônaient le développement.

CONCLUSION

On ne peut pas douter de la transformation profonde qui s'est opérée au sein de la CISC. Elle a non seulement cessé d'être exclusivement européenne mais elle est devenue l'image d'un syndicalisme laïque et révolutionnaire. Ces changements prennent racine dans l'évolution de l'Eglise catholique et aussi, dans une moins grande mesure dans les courants libéraux de la foi protestante. Quoique d'origine respectable, ces changements drastiques impliquent des risques sérieux :

1.—La tendance vers l'universalisation a sûrement élargi les horizons de la CISC mais elle a pris place aux dépens de la conception orthodoxe de ce que signifie le syndicalisme international.

2.—En abandonnant les principes sociaux chrétiens, la CISC ouvre sans contredit ses portes aux masses non-chrétiennes d'Afrique et d'Asie, mais peut créer le théâtre d'une crise à l'intérieur des organisations européennes qui ont jusqu'à maintenant représenté la base réelle de la CISC.

3.—L'abandon de la doctrine chrétienne peut fortifier les activités externes du mouvement en courte période, mais les effets de longue période sont à craindre.

(1) CISL, Confédération Internationale des Syndicats Libres.

(2) FSM, Fédération Syndicale Mondiale.

FR:

L'auteur précise les relations qui existent entre les hausses de salaires reliées à des facteurs personnels et celles qui sont reliées à la hausse générale de la productivité. Cet article comprend deux parties : l'une théorique où l'auteur démontre que les hausses de la productivité générale sont indépendantes de l'amélioration du rendement individuel, et l'autre statistique où à l’aide d’un graphique il dégage l’importance relative de ces deux effets.

EN:

In this paper, we discuss the relation which exists between the increase in salaries which are related to professional achievement, on one hand, and the one which is related to the general increase of the productivity of the economy, on the other hand.

It had been sometimes argued that the increase in the productivity of the economy is the result of the increase in the professional efficiency of the workers. In this paper, we reject this theory. Within the assumption of a permanent population, we show that the increase in professional qualifications which characterizes the major part of the labor force is counterbalanced by the diminution of the effective professional qualification of the rest of the labor force. For example, we expect that professional workers from 25 to 40 in age increase their efficiency, but on the other hand there is a loss in qualification at the other end of the age pyramid due to the retirement of a part of the labor force or to the diminution in efficiency. We used a diagram to show that on the whole, the loss in qualification counterbalances the increase in qualification.

So in the absence of structural changes, the dynamic process of the change in personnal qualifications does not result in an increase in the total stock of qualification of the labor force. In the French text we show that to allow for structural changes or relax the permanent population hypothesis does not materially alter our conclusions. So we conclude that when individuals increase their personnal proficiency this does not mean that the total stock of qualification increase by the same token.

And in the general case we can show that the total stock of personnal qualification of the labor force is stable even though all individuals, which are say below 45 in age, increase their own qualification.

But at the same time we know that there is, in general, an increase in the productivity of the economy. So we conclude that the increase of the productivity of the economy is independant of the total stock of qualification or the increase in professional qualification of members of the labor force.

The conclusion that we may drawn from these propositions is that the total increase in the effectiveness of an individual is the sum of his increase in personnal or professional efficiency and the increase in the productivity of the economy. Then the annual increase in salaries should be made of two parts : one coming from his own increase in professional achievement and the other from the general increase of the productivity of the economy.

We illustrate this last proposition with a very simple diagram which appears in the French text. Be two curves : one is a cross section of the incomes by age groups in 1960 and the second is the cross section of the incomes by age group in 1970. Be an individual, age 25 in 1960. Point A indicates the income of this individual, in 1960. Now in1970, the individual who was 25 in 1960, will earn an income which is indicated by point B on the diagram.

The increase in income over ten years is indicated by the path A B. The passage from A to B is the result of two effects : In 1970, the individual is ten years older, so there is an increase from A to C which is the effect of age : increase in efficiency due to more experience, also, all incomes have moved from the cross section (1960) to the cross section (1970), so there is the passage from C to B which is due to the general increase of the productivity of the economy. So this diagram illustrates the fact that the total wage increment comes from an increase in professional efficiency and a general increase in productivity.

FR:

L'examen de l'évolution du peuplement de la province de Québec révèle l’existence de puissants courants migratoires qui modifient radicalement les structures démographiques dans les régions de départ et les régions d'accueil

En agissant comme un prélèvement sélectif sur les populations des zones de refoulement, les migrations intérieures de population contribuent à créer des déséquilibres graves dans la composition par sexes des populations concernées. En particulier, il apparaît que les effectifs démographiques des campagnes sont caractérisés par la supériorité numérique du groupe masculin et que l’élément féminin prédomine en milieu urbain.

La dissymétrie observable dans la structure des sexes des populations rurale et urbaine, conséquence du processus de déféminisation progressive des campagnes recèle le germe de migrations futures nécessaires au rétablissement de l’équilibre des sexes.

EN:

An inheritance from the past when development of agricultural resources was the major activity of our economic life, the distribution of men over the territory of the Province of Québec is undergoing deep changes which will radically and permanently alter the traditional map of our population's geographic distribution.

Geographic dispersion of peoples is universally subject to the law of concentration whose effect is readily apparent in the regrouping of populations and the formation of densely populated urban areas.

This new redistribution of agglomerations is the inevitable result of recent shifts in economic factors, particularly changes in labour force location.

Development and growth of urban regions come through depopulation of country areas, and migration of people — a three-dimensional projection of occupational mobility — represents the characteristic aspect of the adjustment now taking place.

Owing to lack of balance attendant on population exchanges between regions, internal migration tends to emphasize vividly the disparity which has been prevalent until now throughout the Province of Québec ; this is so because internal migration is essentially a one-way movement, originating mainly from peripheral regions traditionally characterized by low population density towards heavily populated zones, particularly Greater Montréal ; indeed, the metropolitan area has always been an almost irresistible magnet for voluntary migrants from outlying regions, precisely because the urban structures in the various regions have broken down, more especially because regional capitals have proved unable to check and channel to their advantage the voluntary migration which originates locally.

Quantitatively, the consequences of interregional movements are well known : internal migration constitutes the main factor in spatial redistribution of population and, for this reason, it is the predominant element explaining the diversity which has characterized population development in recent years.

The exodus from regions of origin — sometimes amounting to real demographic hemorrhage — tends to devitalize extensive portions of the territory and, in time, jeopardize harmonious development of the whole province.

Conversely, the migratory inflow in regions of destination — mainly urban — intensifies the natural growth, thereby sustaining urban development, and the influx of new people in cities adds appreciably to population figures.

Qualitatively, migration permanently modifies regional demographic structures and, more particularly, irreversibly drains population from regions of origin. Being selective, migration affects geographic distribution by age and sex.

Age groups are not evenly represented in population shifts mainly because this trend is prevalent among youth. Rural exodus depopulates country areas, thereby raising the residents' mean age ; the drain on the labour force withers the regional demographic structure, eventually leading to drastic reduction in the number of creative people, whose departure seriously limits the region's ability to adapt.

Another consequence of internal migration is that it bears on migrants' sex distribution. Population movements do not affect equal numbers of men and women because young women tend to migrate earlier than young men of comparable age.

Since the urge to leave for the city is more prevalent among young female Quebecers, the time gap in departure leads to serious lack of balance in sex structure at their place of origin. Results are evidenced by the process of decreasing female population in country areas, with a corresponding increase in cities.

Examination of the population's sex distribution reveals two opposing situations : rural circles, characterized by high masculinity proportion, particularly among people engaged in agricultural work, and urban circles, marked by relatively large numbers of women or limited male population.

The effects of such imbalance are all the more significant as they relate to youth, especially those reaching marriageability. Indeed, disparity between both groups, coming as it does from decreasing numbers of nubile women in country areas, considerably lessens marriage opportunities there so that normal homogamy conditions are altered by the fact that young women are prone to leave for the city before young men of comparable age.

On the same date in 1961, for instance, the masculinity proportion of the twenty-to-twenty-four age groups living in fifteen rural countries in the Province of Québec was over 110 ; this means that, in each of these countries, at least one out of ten young men will be unable to find a mate of corresponding age within the limits of the county where he lives ; in Dorchester County, where the sex ratio is 141, more than two men out of five will be forced to leave if they want to marry young women in their age bracket.

Such asymmetry in sex distribution of people living in places of origin is a sign of real and symptomatic sociological degradation in general living conditions of country dwellers ; still, it is inherently limited as everything — including a study of the gradual evolution of the sex structure of migratory cohorts — leads us to believe that young men who cannot find a mate, yet want to marry, will leave for the city where they will have a better chance of meeting young women.

Ultimately, balance is restored in the sex ratio through adjustment in geographic distribution of young men as they eventually leave to join the young women who have already moved to the city.

Although the serious imbalance in youthful population sex structure accompanies this exodus, the resulting high masculinity ratio brings about conditions readily favouring mass migration ; thus, there are built-in restraints leading to automatic restoration of balance between sexes, restraints attending the multiplying effect of internal migration.

Since young women appear to be those who initiate internal migration, particularly towards larger cities where they in turn draw young men, we are faced with the problem of choosing measures required to keep in their place of origin female workers thrown on the labour market as fewer hands are needed in agricultural occupations.

Obviously, the answer lies in creation of non-agricultural occupations well suited to female labour ; otherwise, the exodus towards cities will continue for as long as agricultural jobs for women disappear faster than jobs for men.