Volume 23, Number 3, 1968

FR:

La question de la langue de travail dans l’industrie au Québec n'est pas sans poser un problème sérieux pour l'existence, le maintien et le développement de la culture canadienne-française. Il y va aussi de la dignité et du respect de l'homme.

Comment, en effet, les canadiens-français, même s'ils sont en majorité au Québec, pourront-ils conserver leur identité et se développer selon leur culture s'ils sont obligés à la journée longue d’utiliser une langue qui n'est pas la leur ? Le problème n'est pas nouveau au Québec et surtout dans les milieux urbains, car, pour une bonne part, l'initiative économique et la direction des grandes entreprises a été entre les mains de personnes de langue anglaise. Dans le passé, il n'était cependant pas aussi aigu qu'il l'est aujourd'hui, alors que la plus grande partie des travailleurs canadiens-français s'adonnaient à l'agriculture ou travaillaient dans de petites entreprises et vivaient soit dans des milieux ruraux ou des petites villes. Avec la montée de l’industrialisation et la concentration des travailleurs dans de grandes agglomérations urbaines, la situation s'est aggravée et peut même devenir catastrophique. Plusieurs en sont conscients. Il faut alors rechercher une solution.

Pour certains, il n'y en a pas et on devrait simplement laisser les choses évoluer spontanément sans se soucier de l’avenir. Pour d'autres, il faut frapper un grand coup et imposer par la loi l'unilinguisme français dans les limites du territoire québécois. En dehors de ces deux catégories extrémistes, d'autres, attachés aussi à la valeur de la culture canadienne-française et au respect des hommes, reconnaissent la complexité du problème et ne croient pas à la possibilité d'une solution simpliste. C'est alors qu'il faut faire montre de réalisme, d'imagination et d’initiative.

Depuis quelques années, la direction de Relations industrielles a colligé un certain nombre de témoignages, d'opinions et de documents. Dans le but d'aider à cerner différentes dimensions de ce problème elle les publie ensemble dans ce numéro. Nous avons été aidé dans cette tâche par notre ancien collègue Roger Chartier. Nous le remercions de même que tous les autres collaborateurs qui nous ont permis de reproduire leur texte. Il va sans dire que chacun assume la responsabilité de son opinion et que celle-ci n'est pas nécessairement partagée par la revue.

EN:

The problem of language at the work situation in the Province of Quebec is very important for the existence, the maintenance and the development of the French Canadian culture. It is also a question of human dignity and respect.

Even if they are in majority in Quebec, how will the French Canadians maintain their identity and, develop both themselves and their culture if they have to use another language in their daily work. This is far from being a new problem in Quebec, especially in urban communities. In a large measure it is due to the fact that both economic investment and management have been held by English speaking people. A few years ago this problem was not so acute as it is today since the greater part of French Canadian manpower was either occupied in the primary industry or in small firms and was also living in rural communities or in small towns. Industrialization and concentration of workers in larger cities caused the deterioration of the situation which could even become catastrophic. Many people are aware of this problem. A solution has to be reached.

For some, there is no solution : Then with the passing of time things will settle by themselves. Others are thinking the remedy would be the enactment of a law imposing French unilinguism in the Province of Quebec. Between these two extremes, there are the moderate ones who also believe in the value of the French Canadian culture and seek for the respect of men. They recognize the complexity of the problem and do not anticipate the possibilities of an over simple solution. Realism, imagination and initiative are then necessary.

For a few years, Industrial Relations has been collecting a certain number of documents of different sort on the subject. We decided to publish them all together in order to allow a better comprehension of all the facets of the problem. Roger Chartier, a former colleague here at Laval, helped us in this task. We are very grateful to him and also to all those who allowed us to reproduce their articles. However we must note that opinions expressed are those of the authors alone and not necessarily opinions held by the editors.

FR:

Après avoir fait état des aspirations engendrées par notre système d'éducation au Québec, l'auteur, un économiste bien connu, étudie l'ordre des centres de décision, et donc du pouvoir économique dans notre province. Ces deux prémisses l’amènent finalement à faire trois propositions en vue d'assurer des possibilités de travail en français chez nous.

EN:

My considerations on this problem shall be centered on three main topics : our educational system and the desires it gives birth to, our language and the present economic structure and finally the future status of French in Canada.

OUR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM

Since a few years, education is a priority in the province of Quebec. One immediately derives from this remark two different questions of equal importance. Will there be enough jobs for all the future graduates ? Will there be enough jobs in French in order that our collective effort of education will not be wasted ? One can note that both questions have in the same time an individual and a collective dimension.

For the individual, more of the best education is essential to his progress, his freedom and his security. If adequate jobs exist, our effort of education will have a positive effect on the individual.

The problem changes when we touch the collective aspect of the question. As we all know, the existence of a large number of individuals well educated and trained to assume the many responsibilities of a developed and thus complex economy is the condition for a real economic growth. If there is not enough jobs created for French speaking individuals, the asymmetry will eliminate one language in favor of the other.

The educational take off gave birth to rising expectations to the Quebec population seeing in it a powerful means of social and economic ascension.

THE ECONOMIC STRUCTURE OF QUEBEC

The first thing one must note when considering the economic structure of Quebec is that the share of French is excessively low. Nobody will deny the influence of the economic power of the United States on our province. It is then not surprising to see that decision-making centers are far from being even a little bit ours. Let us consider what kind of economic power we have in Quebec :

a) First one finds subsidiaries of giant American corporations particularly in the mine, oil, chemestry, electronic and automobile industries. It is almost impossible for local governments to change such a situation since these companies have a Worldwide scope and since they are installed in major economic fields where research stands first.

b) In the second place, Canadian firms have a certain amount of economic power in Quebec. Can we ask them to move away thus creating important unemployment ?

c) Then comes the governmental sector where decision-making is shared by the federal and provincial governments.

d) Finally, one will find many small and average sized firms where the working language varies depending upon the owner and the management.

So is the structure of our economic power. Even if we create enough jobs for our future graduates it is far from being sure that these youngsters will work in French.

POSSIBILITIES OF JOBS IN FRENCH

This is a controversial issue which raises oppositions and differences.

The solution brought forward by many well-intentionned associations, the so-called law on unilinguism, remembers me of those who pretend solving all economic and social problems of a country by adopting a new constitution. When economic and social factors are not sufficiently prepared by a systematic political action for the achievement of definite objectives, the law cannot rule reality. Can one reasonnably wish that legislation is the mean to change the language at work in our firms when the solution of this problem depends as much upon abroad as upon us all?

Can we risk the economic future of our society by such a legislation?

Does this mean that we must loose hope considering the use of our French and keep things as they are ? No. Allow me to make three proposals, of which the first are two fundamental and the third one accessory.

a) Our educational system must produce youngsters able to understand the other language.

b) Both languages must be used in our biggest institutions.

c) The teachers must get youngsters to speak a very precise mother language.

CONCLUSION

The vanishing of English in our province is a myth not because we are member of the Canadian constitution but because we are a minority on the continent. To change our political regime cannot change our fundamental socio-economic dependance.

EN:

The author defines in general terms, to the English-speaking businessman, the complex concepts and problems of language as an essential part and vehicle of culture, the relationship of language to nationalism, and the insertion of bilingualism in the business organization of today, especially in Québec.

FR:

Je ferai, dans les lignes qui suivent, quelques remarques sur l'aspect humain du bilinguisme et du biculturalisme, sur les systèmes de valeurs et idéaux, sur les différences culturelles et surtout sur cet élément culturel de base qu'est la langue.

Au-delà des différences psychologiques, statistiques et politiques, je suis porté à conclure que les hommes ont, et ce partout dans le monde, un certain nombre de caractéristiques communes d'une façon telle que ce qui les unit est toujours plus fort que ce qui les différencie. La nature humaine est la même partout : ce qui est différent, ce sont ses manifestations.

Pour ce qui est de la situation québécoise, nous nous devons en premier lieu d'établir la différence entre la réalité et les différents mythes traditionnels qui existent quant à la personnalité et aux aspirations des Québécois. Il existe cependant dans le cas du Québec une différence certaine qu'on ne peut pas nier : on y trouve à la fois une culture et surtout une langue propre.

Les québécois combattent pour conserver leur identité, et leurs valeurs culturelles : encore il faudra noter qu'ils recherchent non seulement la survie mais encore le progrès dans l'éducation, un meilleur contrôle de leur vie économique et une grande part d'autonomie politique.

Le Québec est membre d'une entité politique dont il ne se veut pas dépendant. Quoiqu'étrangers ou hostiles à l'autre culture, les québécois en subissent une influence certaine. Il n'est alors pas surprenant que le québécois se sente parfois étranger ou plutôt membre minoritaire dans plusieurs parties du monde des affaires ou de l'industrie.

LE BILINGUISME DANS L'INDUSTRIE QUÉBÉCOISE

Le bilinguisme exige au départ une définition de la LANGUE qui à son tour présuppose une juste compréhension de la Culture dont l'élément de base est la langue. Ce n'est qu'après avoir suivi ce cheminement qu'il sera possible de considérer l'industrie avec ses caractéristiques et de déterminer si la possibilité de coexistence des deux langues risques ou non d'en ébranler la base.

La culture

Disons en résumé qu'en plus d'être un caractère attribué à une communauté, la culture représente la sommation des traits propres à tout groupe humain tels la langue, les us et coutumes, la façon de vivre, les idées, les pratiques, les sentiments, les idéaux, les opinions, la philosophie, et les moyens techniques et rationnels par lesquels les hommes ont toujours cherché à maîtriser leur environnement et à se contrôler eux-mêmes.

La langue

De tous les aspects de la culture, la langue fut la première à recevoir une forme hautement développée : sa perfection essentielle est un prérequis à la culture en tant que tout. En fait, c'est un système de symboles phonétiques utilisés pour l'expression de pensées et de sentiments communicables.

Le nationalisme et la langue

Depuis toujours, des différences de langue ont reflété des différences culturelles. La langue principale est un symbole d'identité pour une entité politique et nationale donnée. La langue est le facteur le plus important dans le nationalisme moderne, parce qu'elle est la somme de toute existence spirituelle et intellectuelle. C'est donc la pierre angulaire de l'existence nationale.

Les différences de culture (surtout de langue) ne doivent pas être considérées à la légère. Au contraire, elles atteignent ce qu'il y a de plus fondamental chez les individus et les groupes.

Le bilinguisme

Si on entend par bilinguisme la coexistence de deux langues dans un pays, une province ou même en affaires, nous n'y voyons pas d'objection. Mais nous devrons noter que la survie des deux langues exige pour chacune d'elles un statut égal sinon on aboutira en pratique à l'unilinguisme.

Si on entend par bilinguisme l'usage habituel des deux langues, ou la capacité d'en parler une et de comprendre l'autre avec presqu'autant de facilité, nous devrons noter qu'aucun individu n'est jamais parfaitement bilingue quelles que soient ses illusions sur le sujet.

Nous croyons que le bilinguisme parfait au niveau des individus est un mythe et que la personne soi-disant parfaitement bilingue est coincée entre deux cultures qui toutes les deux la rejettent.

Si de telles considérations s'avèrent vraies pour une élite culturelle donnée, il est facile de concevoir jusqu'à quel point elles s'appliquent à la population en général. Ni l'économie ni aucune autre réalité ne devrait forcer les membres des échelons inférieurs de l'entreprise à maîtriser les deux langues surtout si ce bilinguisme n'est pas imposé à l'autre groupe culturel.

L'industrie

Nous devons tous reconnaître que la préoccupation principale de toute organisation industrielle et bureaucratique est d'être conçue comme une institution rationelle principalement centrée sur l'efficacité technique et administrative. Mais ces éléments techniques et administratifs de l'efficacité sont autant reliés au social, à l'économique et à la politique que l'organisation elle-même. En d'autres termes, l'efficacité est essentiellement une valeur. Mais en fait une organisation ne peut pas être entièrement rationelle et efficace : on y remarquera toujours un certain nombre d'éléments irrationnels qui entrent en ligne de compte. (La tradition, les us et coutumes, les considérations personnelles et les sentiments.)

Le bilinguisme vs la compétence ou l'efficacité peut être autant un faux problème que l'unilinguisme vs compétence ou l'efficacité vu qu'à la fin ce ne sont que les résultats qui comptent. Ce qui peut sembler inefficace, dangereux ou même irrationel d'un point de vue interne peut devenir absolument nécessaire face à une certaine pression de l'extérieur de la part d'un grand groupe de fins de la même culture. J'irais même jusqu'à dire que les compagnies agiraient intelligemment en considérant les Canadiens français autant comme des clients et des consommateurs éventuels que comme des employés possibles et ce autant au Québec que dans le reste du Canada. Pour ce faire, elles devront évidemment les engager sur un même pied que leurs collègues de langue anglaise en ne les obligeant pas plus à être bilingues qu'ils ne l'exigent des Canadiens anglais.

Tant et aussi longtemps que cette égalité de traitement ne sera pas atteinte, il y aura toujours quelque chose qui ira mal avec l'industrie et le Canada surtout au Québec.

Nous savons tous que des étrangers ont établi l'industrie au Québec et qu'ils se sont traditionnellement entourés de gens de même langue pour les seconder. Même si c'est compréhensible, nous pouvons nous demander si cela est encore efficace même en termes techniques et administratifs. La langue ou le groupe ethnique comme seul critère de promotion ne serait-il pas faux et coûteux? Combien de talents ont ainsi été perdus ? Cela n'explique-t-il pas la frustration profonde et la protestation au nom du nationalisme ?

Il n'y aurait alors pas à se surprendre que le critère d'évaluation des employés canadiens-français ait été leur adaptabilité à la façon de travailler de leurs employeurs.

L'industrie canadienne et le monde des affaires en général est forcée par la protestation politique croissante et par une pression économique à faire un examen de conscience, à penser les problèmes de langues et de cultures. Tout ceci aurait dû être commencé depuis très longtemps : il n'est cependant pas trop tard pour que le tout soit changé.

A l'avenir, il devra être rendu possible au Canadien français de se joindre à l'industrie sans sacrifier ses valeurs humaines et culturelles de base, sans être constamment en désavantage parce que même s'il est bilingue, il ne parle pas l'autre langue aussi bien que son semblable de langue anglaise et parce qu'il est jugé et évalué selon des critères injustes, souvent non pertinents, et étrangers.

Aujourd'hui, les maisons d'éducation de langue française préparent des individus plus compétents et plus sensibilisés aux problèmes de l'industrie. Ceci rend l'argument du manque de compétence complètement désuet.

Toutes les organisations canadiennes, autant publiques que privées, se doivent de faire de leur mieux pour conserver un Canada bilingue et fort en plus de fournir les mêmes chances et opportunités à tous les Canadiens quelle que soit leur langue maternelle.

CONCLUSION

La réalité culturelle québécoise exige certaines formes de bilinguisme et de biculturalisme intelligents et flexibles.

On devra en autant que possible améliorer le caractère bilingue des communications dans l'industrie : les dirigeants devront s'assurer que le recrutement, la formation, les négociations, etc., sont faits dans une ou des langues qui conviennent aux employés des différents niveaux.

Tout ceci n'est pas une idéologie, c'est du sens commun de la courtoisie. En fait, c'est la façon efficace de faire des affaires et de fournir des services au Québec.

EN:

The Author briefly reviews the historical developments that have led to the present cultural-linguistic situation in Québec business. He then proceeds to a realistic description of Canadian and even international markets for more and more Quebec-based secondary-manufacturing firms, stressing the need for working bilingualism and greater mobility of French-Canadian employees. In such a context, French-Canadians would get greater opportunities, and both sides would gradually abandon prejudice in favour of equity and efficiency.

FR:

INTRODUCTION

Le problème des relations entre les deux langues est complexe et multi-dimensionnel. Je n'étudierai cependant que les deux plus importants aspects de la question : après quelques commentaires sur la tendance des Canadiens français à s'intéresser de plus en plus au domaine de l'économique et des affaires, je porterai mon attention sur les changements récents dans le système éducationnel québécois.

LES MARCHÉS MONDIAUX

Où le Canada français trouvera-t-il de l'emploi pour tous ses jeunes ? Il semble que le secteur secondaire pourrait devenir, si on le développait, l'endroit par excellence.

Cité Libre notait récemment que l'avenir n'appartenait pas au domaine des matières premières, mais à celui de la technologie qu'elles permettent. Il est évident qu'avec de tels processus de fabrication, les marchés locaux ne sont pas assez grands pour épuiser l'offre. Les firmes se voient alors obligées d'étendre leur action sur des marchés mondiaux.

Les jeunes pourront aussi trouver de l'emploi dans les fonctions administratives qui risquent de ne pas se développer si les firmes québécoises n'étendent pas leurs marchés. Etendre les marchés devient donc une nécessité pour l'augmentation de l'emploi.

Mais alors quelle sera la langue utilisée dans les communications internes des compagnies ? Inévitablement, elles seront anglaises vu le grand nombre de personnes utilisant cette langue en dehors du Québec. Le jeune Canadien français devra connaître l'anglais pour monter dans la hiérarchie. La langue anglaise apparaît donc comme étant à la fois un problème et un défi pour les Québécois.

LA SOLUTION : LE BILINGUISME ?

La solution à ce problème épineux semble être le bilinguisme. Cela est aussi vrai pour les Québécois anglais qui désirent poursuivre leur carrière dans la belle province. Ils devront être capables de lire le français et de comprendre l'esprit des Québécois.

L'unilinguisme français sur l'Ile de Montréal n'apporterait aucune solution aux problèmes du jeune Québécois. Les grandes firmes sont pancanadiennes et l'anglais la langue d'usage pour les communications internes. Il est impensable d'exiger que tous les anglais, autant au Québec que dans le reste du Canada, soient bilingues.

En plus, il reste qu'il serait loin d'être avantageux pour une firme d'être obligée de créer des services bilingues alors que certains de ses concurrents opérant à l'extérieur du Québec éviteront une telle dépense. L'impact sur les coûts d'opération serait trop grand et entraînerait la fermeture sinon l'exode des firmes et de leurs quartiers généraux québécois vers le reste du Canada.

SANS PRÉJUGE

Il est souvent répété que les candidats de langue anglaise sont plus favorisés à l'intérieur des organisations actuelles simplement parce qu'ils sont de langue anglaise. Ceci peut être vrai pour une firme canadienne-anglaise. Ne retrouve-t-on pas le même phénomène dans les compagnies proprement québécoises. L'égalité de traitement dépend de l'égalité de compétence et ce il ne faut pas l'oublier.

La solution semble donc être que les firmes canadiennes-françaises étendent leurs marchés au reste du Canada. La participation des Québécois anglais sera sûrement utile sinon nécessaire à une telle expansion.

QUELQUES DIFFICULTÉS

1.—L'organisation canadienne-française tend à remettre toute l'autorité dans les mains d'un seul homme, le patron.

2.—Les Canadiens français donnent l'impression qu'ils considèrent les emplois industriels comme ceux obtenus par la politique. Le patronage y devient une façon d'opérer et est loin de contribuer à l'existence du travail d'équipe chez les dirigeants.

On ne se connaît pas les uns les autres et c'est là la source de tout le problème constitutionnel au Canada. Laissons donc tomber nos préjugés.

CONCLUSION

Une collaboration plus grande contribuerait à réduire les cadres et les tensions entre les deux groupes. Il en résulterait une meilleure intégration du Canada français dans l'ensemble de l'industrie nationale et un accroissement de l'effort économique au Québec. Ceci est essentiel si on veut faire du Québec un partenaire économique égal au reste du pays.

FR:

L'auteur, un linguiste, décrit sommairement les grandes périodes qui ont marqué l'histoire des langues dans le monde. Il circonscrit ensuite la notion de langue de travail. Il applique enfin cette notion au travailleur québécois de langue française, pour en souligner les conséquences dangereuses pour l’ensemble de la culture française quand le travailleur « doit laisser sa langue maternelle, le français, au vestiaire ».

EN:

The history of languages is divided in three different periods. We find that changes are relatively slow during the first one going from the beginning of our world to the mid-nineteenth century. It is in the latter that began a second period in the western part of the world characterized by a more or less important industrialization depending upon the countries, by the development of communications but especially by a massive scholarization of the youngest part of the population. It is here that the common language became more and more popular and finally obtained a great prestige.

The third period began with the appearance of radio and television. These means of communication contributed to the introduction of the common language in each and every home. However in a more and more industrialized society as ours, there is one element that plays and will play a very important role in the future of French that is the language at work.

Normally the language fluently used at work, as in Germany for example, contributes to the growing of the worker. For the French Canadian, his language at work is not French but English. Instead of having the chance to learn and to become in touch with sectors of the language he would have never known otherwise, the workers lose their French if not they surely do not improve it. Because useless at work, our French becomes at the end a language internally damaged which nobody will try to improve, lack of interest. The worker is far from being responsible for the deterioration of its language. He rather is the victim of an absurd situation.

We have looked for solutions but nobody ever dared considering the root of the problem. This situation will be hopeless unless French becomes the language of the French Canadian at work. But if French cannot become the language of the French Canadian at work, logic leads me to ask the following question : why would not we teach English at all levels ? Therefore nobody will suffer of such a ridiculous and odious situation which cannot last longer.

It is the duty of our teachers to correct this situation. The future of French in Quebec is at stake.

EN:

The author explains the historical reasons for the distribution of Canadians in industry along cultural-linguistic lines, describes the present evolution toward a better equilibrium, the problems thus posed and the prerequisites — both individual and institutional — for their proper solution on the basis of increased efficiency through respect for cultural differences and rational use of people of both languages.

FR:

Les griefs des Canadiens français sont de plus en plus écoutés. Teintée au début d'une certaine sympathie, l'attitude des Anglais face au problème a changé d'une façon telle que les deux cultures en présence sont prêtes à faire des concessions. Le problème est loin d'être réglé et souvent on se retrouve aux positions extrémistes originales.

LE PROBLEME

Parmi les griefs des Québécois, il en est, des plus importants, qui ont des implications économiques. Mais nous devons nous rappeler qu'il n'y a pas qu'une partie en cause qui ait tort.

Historiquement, nous devons nous rappeler que les Canadiens français se sont bien gardés de « se lancer en affaire » et préférèrent de beaucoup les professions libérales.

Vu que les Canadiens de langue anglaise contrôlaient l'activité commerciale au Québec, naturellement l'anglais devint la langue du travail. On retrouve alors une situation explosive en puissance.

Si nous faisons l'hypothèse qu'il vaille la peine que le Canada soit un pays et que sa fragmentation soit une absurdité économique, chacun d'entre nous doit se faire un devoir de reconcilier les intérêts en conflit et de préserver l'unité canadienne.

LE RÔLE DE L'INDUSTRIE

L'industrie a forcé les groupes ethniques à sortir de leur gherto et ceci peut contribuer à refaire l'unité de ce pays ou à accentuer l'écart existant, dépendant de l'intérêt des cadres face à ce problème.

Il serait stérile présentement de tenter de trouver les responsables de la situation. Les torts sont également distribués.

L'industrie, par ses politiques touchant le personnel et le commerce pourraient contribuer non seulement à atténuer les tensions mais encore à promouvoir un nouveau concept du canadianisme en reconnaissant les différences afin d'atteindre une meilleure unité.

L'augmentation du nombre des jeunes Québécois intéressés par le domaine scientifique et leur intérêt au monde des affaires nous amène à croire qu'avec le temps le problème de vivre les uns avec les autres va se régler de lui-même.

LE BILINGUISME DANS L'INDUSTRIE

Le bilinguisme, dans l'industrie, pour les Canadiens français, est dû au fait que les postes de commande appartenaient aux Canadiens de langue anglaise qui eux ne voyaient pas la nécessité de donner au français une place dans le monde des affaires.

Du point de vue pragmatique, cela a du bon sens. Mais pour le Canadien français le progrès à l'intérieur d'une compagnie était limité.

Aujourd'hui les Québécois ont leur mot à dire dans l'industrie et cette dernière a besoin d'eux et essaie de s'adapter au bilinguisme. De plus en plus les compagnies recrutent, communiquent, négocient et établissent des programmes de formation dans la langue de leurs employés. Il reste qu'il serait insensé d'aller d'un unilinguisme à un autre. L'expérience de la Suisse pour ce qui a trait au bilinguisme est à considérer très sérieusement.

LES PRÉREQUIS AUX AMÉLIORATIONS

Il y a quelques conditions nécessaires à la promotion du bilinguisme ?

1.—de meilleures méthodes d'enseignement des langues dans nos écoles ;

2.—les Canadiens français devraient encourager ceux qui essaient de parler français plutôt que de leur répondre en anglais ;

3.—le bilinguisme devrait être considéré comme un actif offrant de nouvelles valeurs culturelles et non comme quelque chose qui appauvrit l'esprit.

LE BICULTURALISME

La langue n'est pas la seule cause de division au Canada. Le biculturalisme exprime toutes les autres choses qui séparent les Québécois des Canadiens anglais.

LA GESTION DU PERSONNEL

Il semble, d'après quelques recherches, que quelques-unes des difficultés rencontrées par le Canadien français peuvent être dues au fait qu'ils ne se sentent pas à l'aise dans un milieu grandement influencé par une autre culture.

Vu le travail d'équipe nécessaire dans toute organisation, il serait peut être adéquat de souligner que des études en dynamique des groupes semblent démontrer des différences extrêmes dans le comportement de chacun des groupes.

L'industrie pourrait grandement aider à pallier aux différences culturelles en revisant leurs politiques de personnel et en mettant l'accent sur la formation et le développement.

CONCLUSION

Il y aura un grand pas de fait quant à l'impasse dans laquelle nous nous trouvons lorsque l'industrie aura réussi à recruter et à développer un grand nombre de cadres de langue française. Cependant, les Canadiens français ne veulent pas de charité. Ils veulent contribuer à la vie nationale, mais ils désirent également le respect de leur droit d'épanouissement personnel au travail.

This article is a reproduction of an address to the Montréal Chapter of the I.R.R A November 25, 1964.

FR:

Au Québec, dans la grande industrie, l'anglais est la langue du patronat, le français la langue du travailleur. Etant la langue de l'administration et de la gestion, l'anglais est aussi la langue officielle et souvent la seule langue officielle, tandis que le français, qui est la langue de la majorité n'a souvent qu'un statut de langue seconde, d'une langue de traduction, sans reconnaissance officielle.

EN:

INTRODUCTION

Considering the sociological and economic situation of the French Canadian we must unfortunately admit as prophetical the description Lord Durham made of the people of Quebec in 1839.

But this prediction had one flaw : it could not foresee the American control of industry which took place thereafter. I do not intend to compare the advantages and disadvantages of the presence of English and American funds in our economic life. However I shall present a few cases I was witness of as a negotiator in the pulp and paper industry.

THE PULP AND PAPER INDUSTRY

In the most important industry of our province, unilingual French workers will never be in the management no matter what his professionnal competence. Managing (above superintendant) is reserved to bilingual individual.

English is for managers and French for labor. This situation makes communications difficult and is far from leading to harmonious labor relations.

DIFFICULT COMMUNICATIONS

There is a very serious problem of language in industry. A few companies have been considering this fact since a few years. Is it enough ? Is it too late ? It is not too late but it is not enough. The more French will be neglected the more the French culture will disappear.

Let us be optimistic since many factors lead us to believe in the growing of French language in industry. In order that such an aim may be achieved, all good intentions must become concrete actions.

FR:

Lorsque la Fédération des travailleurs de l'Ontario avait décidé d’étudier le problème de la crise constitutionnelle que traverse le Canada, elle avait souhaité entendre le point de vue, sinon du Québec, du moins d'un travailleur syndiqué du Québec.

EN:

Far be it from me to minimize the initiative you have taken, but I cannot help telling you, without making the Ontario Federation of Labour a specific target, that Labour allowed itself to wait far too long. For, ever since the Quebec Federation of Labour, at the very outset of the work by the Laurendeau-Dunton Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, asked this body to organize conferences between trade unionists throughout the country, we have continued to await such an invitation from an organisation such as yours. Following up on the efforts of the Montreal Labour Council, the QFL also called upon the Canadian Labour Congress to organize such a meeting.

If we attach so much importance to such meetings of unionized workers outside of statutory conventions where jurisdictional problems occupy a higher place than those concerning the future of the country, it is because we believe that the working class has a vital interest in the maintenance of this minimum common market which is Canada, and that it is in a position to unmake as well as remake confederation.

The Quebec separatists have for their part realized that independence is impossible without the support and the participation of the trade union movement. But Canadian trade unionism doesn't seem to have realized that it could play a determining role in the evolution of the constitutional crisis.

As to us at the QLF we still believe, perhaps naively, that workers throughout the world have common interests which are not necessarily the same as those of the little and the grand bourgeoisie. We continue to believe that within Canada they should be able to understand one another, and this particularly within their union structures, and that they should not espouse the quarrels of national bourgeoisies, one of which, the French-Canadian, is essentially seeking to snatch class privileges from the English-Canadian bourgeoisie and American capitalists making business in Quebec. This having been said, we know too that a considerable number of Quebec as well as Ontario workers climbed, through their labour struggles, to a middle class social status, and that they tend to identify themselves to the aspirations of their national elites ; this explains Canadian nationalism as well as Quebec autononism. From a strictly labour viewpoint, French Canadian nationalism is no more justified than Canadian nationalism, but it happens that both exist and that there is nothing we can do about it.

Under the circumstances, the best we can do is to seek out a satisfactory balance between the expression of the worker's primary needs and that of their cultural aspirations, which do not always point in the same direction. We must lean on the unanimity around our common needs to find grounds for agreement, for a modus vivendi where our aspirations are concerned. Thanks to our efforts, North American workers are no longer motivated by their material interests alone. This explains to foreign policy of the AFL-CIO, the latent anti-Americanism of Canadian organized labour and the nationalism, if not separatism, of Quebec trade unionists.

If Canadian workers heeded only the categoric imperative of primo vivere, they would only have long since not only joined international unions, but pushed Canada over into annexation by the United States. Yet what we see, apart from the will to remain Canadian despite the shortcomings of this political and cultural choice, is a progressive Canadianization — more often within than outside — of North American trade unionism.

Therefore if Canadian workers are disposed to pay a certain price for not being absorbed by the United States, taking into account all the undeniable material benefits that this would involve, there must be no astonishment that French Canadian workers are also ready to make certain sacrifices to avert assimilation by English Canada. However, just as English speaking workers don't go as far as ousting North American unions and capital to assert their national identity, so are French Canadian workers not unanimous about joining the CNTU, and even less so about embracing separatism to assert theirs. We would nevertheless be on the wrong track and preparing some cruel tomorrows if we imagined that the workers are indifferent to cultural and national, to constitutional, problems — an impression which, in my view, our Canadian trade unionism has been giving a bit too much.

If I chose to speak to you about these cultural, national and constitutional problems in terms of prices to be paid, especially by the workers, it was to point out to you that Quebec French Canadians, including workers to a certain extent, have a notion that they have paid too dearly up to now for the right to maintain their national identity within Canadian Confederation. They believe they have paid too dearly in terms of economic inferiority, language impoverishment, ceaseless campaigns of niggardly demands, and vexations of every kind. The choice that confronts them now is either to pay a premium for living completely separate from the rest of the country, or cutting the price by letting themselves be assimilated by the U.S. instead of English Canada, a much more inviting course in terms of hard profit. And, according to a poll conducted by Maclean's, the Quebec annexationists are more numerous that the separatists. However, it happens that annexationists are recruited especially from the popular, less-educated class whereas the separatists are more frequently found among the educated and influential, as may readily be judged by the tone of the French Canadian press, televison and radio.

At the QFL our choice has, for some years now, been in between those two desperate solutions. Time and again we have rejected the separatist theory. We regard it as far to costly to the working classes ; so costly in fact that it would end up sooner or later in annexation to the United States. In that event, the several subsequent decades would see Quebec left with nothing more that some Louisiana-style folklore merit.

But on the other hand, neither do we accept the present state of affairs, in which we have the impression that we alone are footing the Confederation bill. And since we are increasingly aware of being a key factor in your own gambit to thwart annexation, what we propose to you is that you share with us the cost of the very raison d'être and the originality of this land — its bilingual and bicultural character.

Obviously there can be no question of the overnight transformation of all Canadians into bilinguals and participants in two cultures. This is the frequent dread of anglophone Canadians, most of whom, deprived of the necessary education, already participate very little in their own culture. There is no great haste to tackle a second language when one doesn't even have the basic education to be able to adapt to technological changes. French Canadians are even more knowledgeable about this resistance to bilingualism. For this was precisely the condition laid down, to the detriment of French Canadian culture, by Canadian anglophone and American people of property who established in their province. We have no intention of requiring that adult workers throughout Canada be bilingual at a time when we ourselves are demanding the right to work in our own language in Quebec.

Yet while we insist on working in French in Quebec, we resist at the same time the increasing pressure being exerted for official unilingualism in our province. We are opposed to unilingualism because we want to make room for the future, which seems to us to promise an ever-broadening and more advanced education for the class we represent.

If French Canadian workers are bilingual now, it is simply because they were forced into it to earn their living. If you aren't, it's because you've been able to get along without it. That is why we have nothing against English unilingual workers who decided against compromising the small amount of culture they had by participating in ours without the necessary preparation. That is why we deplore the cultural impoverishment that resulted for us from the economic necessity of living seated between two cultures which were too poor for the one to gain enrichment from the other. This is also the reason why on the one hand we reproach your elite for shying away from one of the richest culture in the world, ours — and this is apparently a unique world fact for an educated class — and why on the other hand we reproach certain of our own elite for trying, in spite and vengeance to bar us through unilingualism from access to another of the great western cultures, yours.

Just as we understand your own lack of eagerness, as adults, to become bilingual, so would we fail to understand failure on your part to create for your children, surely more educated and cultivated than you are, the conditions permitting them to become bilingual for cultural reasons ; just what we ourselves desire for our own children. Life has made it so that the reason for my being bilingual is not the same as Dr. Eugene Forsey's for being so. But that is no reason why the descendants of all of us in Canada shouldn't be bilingual, in the same manner as all the intellectuel elite of Europe and elsewhere. This is especially true when bilingualism is probably the very condition of the country's survival.

If educated English Canadians were to adopt Spanish or German as a second language, French Canadians might well turn to Russian or Chinese, and that would be it for Canada.

A Quebec separatist, even of the subconscious kind, is not as readily identified by bombs and street demonstrations as he is by his total absence of demands on English language Canadians. He will ask you for nothing lest he be given something that will point up the folly of his thesis. And you can identify a French Canadian federalist by his determination to change the existing situation, not by way of more or less complete Quebec isolation, but by his numerous demands on English Canada. And since I am a confirmed federalist I shall not mince words about telling you under what conditions, in my opinion, the Canadian experience will be able to continue. Then it will be up to you to decide whether you are federalists or separatists.

To begin with, since we are here in Ontario and I am speaking to Ontario workers, I shall say that inevitably there will be, as regards our respective provinces, identical conditions for our linguistic minorities. As far as the separatists are concerned, Quebec must treat its anglophone minority in largely the same way as Ontario and the other provinces treat their francophone minorities. I have told you why I do not share that view, which seems to me to be inspired much more by the law of retaliation than by the requirements of human progress. But for a federalist like myself it is Ontario and the other provinces — but especially Ontario — which must move progressively and rapidly to granting the French minority the same treatment as we grant our English minority.

Now mark you, my words do not mean that I am here as a beggar. I'm not asking you for anything. Rather I am here to offer you something — the opportunity to conserve a country that is going to be bicultural or that isn't going to be at all.

You would like me to tell you what is happening in Quebec. What is happening in Quebec is that the separatist idea, in forms much more subtle than secession, is working its way into minds. It is a tendency for which, some day, there will be no turning back unless the rest of the country moves in the direction that I have

suggested to you. It isn't, at least to my mind, a matter of vengeance, of reprisal, or of using our anglophone minority as a hostage to secure equal treatment for your francophone minority. In fact, French language Quebecers are becoming more and more inclined to disown the linguistic minorities of the other provinces ; to ridicule their heroic efforts to escape assimiliation, to forget these groups maltreated by history just as one tries to forget about retarded children placed in an institution. More and more they are tending towards giving up to your governments, towards regarding bilingualism as a costly Utopia, towards disinterest in the rest of the country — French minorities included — towards turning inwards to one another and abandoning to you everything that is not Quebec. While you continue to wonder, all in good faith, what is wrong with your mate, the mate is beginning to fatalistically accept divorce... or at least separate rooms.

If I tell you that in order to save Confederation, Ontario must immediately become an official bilingual province and, progressively, a bicultural territory, there are realistic Quebec federalists who, on my return home, will call me an impenitent idealist and a hopeless dreamer. They will tell me that by calling for such things I am, on the contrary, risking a death blow to « the old lady » — the Constitution — and turning you into separatists. The way they see it, the best we can hope for is to build a Quebec both strong and French which will keep its Confederation membership card for the sole purpose of maintaining here a minimum of a common market that has been reduced to the status of a businessmen's club. I leave it to you, then, to imagine what thoughts are reserved for me by the separatists of all hues, to whom any helping hand offered the English to prevent them from wrecking Confederation is tantamount to the crime of high treason.

And yet for my part I persist in telling you that in order to make Quebecers start interesting themselves anew in Canada as being their country, something has to happen to make them feel that this country is theirs. You do not always understand Quebec's official attitude towards Ottawa : opting out of cost-sharing programs, the recuperation of taxation fields, demands for powers which have been transferred to the federal State by way of constitutional amendment, the desire to assume an international personality in the cultural and labour fields, and so on.

You feel that Quebec is pulling out of Confederation, and indeed this is true in spirits if not in facts. For if the country can adapt itself to a more rigorous division of jurisdictions, and even granting greater constitutional powers to the provinces, it cannot long survive the psychological disaffection of Quebecers towards the central government and the other provinces.

Hence there is no point in scolding Ottawa for its weakness in the face of Quebec demands, in demanding that it take a firmer stand and stop making concessions. It matters rather little that Quebec manages its own health insurance, its family allowances and its old age pensions ; of far greater seriousness would be its refusal to take part in the drafting and realization of an economic plan, its refusal to integrate therein its own economic policy and the various other measures within its jurisdiction. And it would be tragic if Quebec at this point were to stand aside, to be heedless of harmonizing the countries policies to its own ; of abstaining in the Commons from pronouncing itself on cost-sharing programs on grounds that it is a non-participant. The way things are going now, there is danger that Quebec not only will turn to managing its own affairs but will do so in a contrary manner to the rest of the country out of a bitter desire to assume the exclusively of the French Canadian identity, and to do it right down to the last detail.

If the country is coming apart in our minds, then in those minds must there be an undertaking to secure it together again before it is too late. And if Confederation is to be restored to French Canadians as anything more that an economic common market, then they must be given, or re-given, that sentiment, that real feeling that the country belongs to them by the same token as it belongs to English Canadians.

If this is to be so, the French Canadians must have a French life, not only in Quebec where they are making it their business to have it, but everywhere in Canada where they are numerous enough — such as in certain areas of Ontario and even in Toronto itself — to achieve a flourishing collective life that is no longer the outcome of day-by-day heroism. In order to achieve this, these French Canadians must also have an education system equal to that accorded to the English in Quebec. The State must provide them with radio and television that speaks their language. And your Parliament and your courts are going to have to hear them in their own language ; your children and grandchildren must be able to communicate with theirs in French in a fraternal association where cultural preoccupations will have stepped ahead of purely economic considerations.

And above all, please don't try to tell me that as workers you can't do anything about the situation ; that your political party doesn't happen to be in power ; that if you had your own way Ontario by now would be just as bilingual as Quebec. I shall believe you when the Ontario Federation of Labour, which is your own exclusive property, is just as bilingual as the Quebec Federation of Labour. And that is something you could start working on right away tomorrow.

Now you probably will answer me that all this is quite useless ; that it would be idiotic to spend considerable sums of money to have bilingual conventions and bilingual publications since French language Ontario workers understand and speak English — and that at all events they have never asked for such a service.

Then it will be my turn to reply that at the QFL, which isn't nearly as well heeled as the OFL, we agree to these financial sacrifices at the altar of respect for human rights. If we ran our business exclusively in French we too could say that the anglophone workers of Quebec are bilingual, for by way of a natural, but non-democratic selection, we would obtain the participation of these only in our conventions and deliberations. Those among you who have had occasion to attend our conventions are aware that at times no more than a score of delegates turn to the simultaneous translation that we provide at fancy prices. If we were to eliminate this service on the pretext that little use is made of it, our deliberations wouldn't suffer very long because our affiliates would delegate only bilingual or unilingual French workers — as you do in reverse here. In this way we would create two classes of Quebec trade unionists : those able to take part on the trade union life, and the others watching mutely from the sidelines.

A principle isn't respected because of the number of people who invoke it, for in that case we are respecting the force of numbers only — and this is much more akin to fear than to anything particularly noble.

Be that as it may, at the QFL it is the principal of bilingualism and biculturalism that we respect. And we shall continue to respect it as long as our French language members allow us to do so ; that is as long as they conserve faith in their country and the hope that one day their fellow French Canadians outside Quebec will enjoy the same rights as those recognized for the anglophone minority of our province. But do not forget that the Quebec workers, those of the CNTU as well as of the QFL, are probably the last rampart of federalism in our province. If the day should come when they run against the tide of strictly material interests and topple into separatism, it would put the finish to Canadian Confederation.

That is why, running counter to our own unwitting separatists in the trade union movement, who wait but one thing from you — lay off us and we'll lay off you — I personally attach great importance to the contribution that can and must constitute labour solidarity in the building of a true Canadian federalism. I think that if the French Canadian workers of Quebec have no interest in sharing the desire of their national elite to replace yours at the summit of our social hierarchy, then neither do you have any interest in banding together with your own national elite in their bid to keep to class privileges that have brought you little or no benefit. However, it isn't enough to say that the workers are united by community of interests. There must be acceptance of their cultural diversity ; it must be accepted as an opportunity for human enrichment rather than an obstacle to unity. There must be assurance that this diversity is safeguarded by equality of rights and opportunity to develop.

In a word, what I propose to you as a working man addressing working men is no more and no less than a reciprocal agreement between the OFL and the QFL by which our two union centrals undertake to acknowledge the same rights for their linguistic minorities ; to provide them with the same services. And you may rest assured that I shall fight to the death in negotiation to obtain for your French language members the benefits that our English language members enjoy. You may also be certain that I shall abandon not a single one of our members' acquired rights, for that is something that a real trade union cannot afford to do. And let not the OFL invoke the management argument about inability to pay, or I shall rush a picket line at it with placards screeching « Unfair to Labour ».

But all joking aside, I seriously believe that we should, within our trade union movement, go after a type of federalism that could serve as a model to our country. We are bound by no constitution in this respect, and if we want to make changes we don't need approval from London or the Fulton-Favreau Formula. We can tackle at our level the task that was undertaken by the Fathers of Confederation, in a spirit of 1966 — or 1967 — that takes into account new realities, the experience gained over a century, and our traditional devotion to the case of human rights.

Today our movement reflects the imperfections and the miseries of Confederation. It is so much in the wake of that pact concluded in 1867 between representatives of the grand bourgeosie, at a time when workers didn’t exist as an organized class, that it is itself in danger of being dismembered and swept away by the constitutional crisis.

At best, if it does survive that crisis intact, our members will have invested a considerable amount of energy in a struggle between national bourgeosies, on a battleground chosen by them and where the dust of combat blinds them as to their true interests and on their condition of being exploited in both languages.

In effect, the trade union situation in Canada is not lacking in analogies with the constitutional situation. In Quebec we have the Confederation of National Trade Unions, which is in a way the trade union prefiguration of the separate State. The French Maclean's was able to evoke, with regard to relations between the QFL and the Canadian Labour Congress, the thesis of the Associated States of made unionism, which is a form of mitigated separatism for the pacifists. The CLC is, in the image of the central government, superficially bilingual but not genuinely bicultural. All the provincial Federations, with the exception of Quebec's, are unilingual and unicultural.

The QFL has just as laborious and frustrating relations with the CLC as Quebec has with Ottawa. This brings joy to the CNTU, in the first instance, just as it pleases the separatists, in the second instance, and it is leading the QFL, to aspire, like la belle province, to a special status. CNTU representatives exploit our problems and the wave of nationalism for purposes of trade union expansion. The separatists, for their part, regard that labour movement as the Trojan Horse that will enable them to take over the working class once they have managed, with the unwitting but efficient help of their CLC enemics, to get rid of the QFL.

You can see why I chose to approach the Canadian constitutional problem from the angle of trade unionism, which I believe holds the solution to the Canadian crisis and can, by failing to apply it, precipitate the outcome by delivering the Quebec working class to separatism in a bus named CNTU. For if we, who have essentially the same interests, fail in putting everything we have at work in order to maintain the unity that gives us our strength and is our reason for existing, how can we reasonably expect more from all those who are competing furiously in the pursuit of markets, of profits, of votes, and who at all events are tacitly agreed on the benefits they can derive from the course of divide and conquer ?

I believe it is still possible for Canadian workers to agree with Quebec workers on devising a new deal that will be a fair deal to all. But time is running out. Up to now, Quebec trade unionism has resisted the siren call of separatism.

The QFL, the CNTU and the Catholic Farmers Union are still in a position to align a common front against the thesis of Quebec independence, but that opposition is not without inward discord, except perhaps as regards the farmers union, whose members seem much more taken up with material problems than the industrial workers are. As far as the CNTU is concerned, it frequently uses nationalism in membership recruiting, and therefore runs the risk of soon finding itself in tow of the new clientele it has acquired from the middle class : people of the liberal professions, intellectual workers, civil servants, and so on, all of them more or less representative of a minor bourgeosie for whom cultural values are intimately linked with economic and social advancement. Furthermore, the students have established a trade union central called the General Union of Students of Quebec. It has broken all ties with the Canadian student movement and has an official policy of unilingualism and strong separatist tendencies.

The big business bourgeosie, which has ties with your own anglophone management, appears devoted to a constitutional evolution safeguarding the essentials of federalism, as evidenced by a work cooperated in by its official spokesman, Mr. Marcel Faribault, and Mr. Robert Fowler.

As for the minor bourgeosie, business as well as intellectual, it seems to have a penchant for separatism, if not as an ultimate solution to the constitutional crisis, at least as a wedge to improve its own living standard and social status. It tends to inversely repeat the Anglo-Saxon experience of family compacts and secret societies for professional advancement. It aims definitely at supplanting the privileged anglophones by using the wedge of nationalism, the threat of separatism, the buy-at-home and ethnic protectionism. It has already begun to cash in on the Quebec nationalist awakening, whose benefits it shares with the journalists and the radio and television people.

At the political level, you have first the Lesage Government, about which you may have heard that ministerial solidarity isn't its strong point. It is a ministerial team that just about runs the whole gamut of constitutional options from René Lévesque's « separatism-if-necessary » and the routine federalism of Bona Arseneault, probably unknown to you — to the spectacular acrobatics of Jean Lesage.

Facing it you have an exclusively opportunist opposition which, after looking long and hard for the little remaining ground it could occupy, chose to cautiously pass René Lévesque's nationalism and fully exploit the constitutional hesitations of the Lesage Government.

And for the first time, one of the separatist movements, le Rassemblement pour l'independance nationale, has decided to contest the provincial elections expected in 1966. It has begun to pick its candidates. The separatists hope at best for a moral victory that would give them a second wind, whereas certain confirmed federalists fear the separatists will be swamped and give the rest of the country the impression that the constitutional sickness has vanished with its most visible symptom.

It is in the atmosphere, not a particularly propitious one for pondering and discussing socio-economic problems, that Quebec prepares to set its course for the next four or five years. It is to be feared that electoral auctioneering on the attitude to be adopted towards Ottawa will prompt further stiffening of Quebec's constitutional stands. The result could be a relegation downward of those matters which are of vital interest to the working classes that we represent. There you have the reason why the QFL proposes to call without delay a meeting of representative groups in our province : the CNTU, the Catholic Teachers, and others. The aim will be to draft a common program for economic and social reform, which we will try to bring to the attention of the public and political men, outside the constitutional debate.

However, there isn't even any assurance that we will be able to successfully bring about this project to the benefit of the working classes and the economically weak in Quebec.

As I have indicated, Quebec trade unionism itself is turning increasingly away from its primary vocation of defending the exploited, to espouse the cause of a minor bourgeoisie seeking individual advancement. We have reached the point where something has to happen outside Quebec — in Ontario for example — to stop the nationalistic escalation in our province, so that with our budget of limited energy we can have butter passed out to meet human needs rather than have to supply shells for the guns of the constitutional war.

That is the message I wanted to leave with you as a trade unionist speaking to trade unionists. If you don't want to find yourselves one day standing opposed to your working counterparts in Quebec, you must assume your share of responsibility in resolving the constitutional crisis. And you must start, as is only fitting, within our common trade union structures.

Still, I should not want to leave this rostrum you so generously offered me without making two observations which, I trust, will be taken in good part.

First of all, I am not in accord with the title you have given to this panel discussion: « Canada, One Nation or Ten... » I don't intend to enter here a semantic debate on the French and English definitions of the word « nation ». But I will tell you that we use the word in the same sense as you use the word « race » when you speak of « two founding races », and that we prefer it to the word « race », which we like to apply only to the human race.

Now that I have said that much, let me add that we do not believe, at least at the QFL, that each nation — within our meaning of the word — must have its own national State complete with all the attributes of national sovereignty. That is why we consider that Canada has but two nations recognized by the constitution ; and eleven States, a central State and ten provincial States which constitute Confederation.

FR:

L’auteur fournit une réponse claire en se servant d'un cas d'espèce, celui de l'ALCAN.

EN:

INTRODUCTION

In Quebec, bilingualism is necessary in industry. To industry, in Quebec, bilingualism is a distinct advantage. But let's not delude ourselves : making industry operate in two languages costs money. Bilingualism implies expenditure. In turn, this expenditure is a sound investment.

This much being said, I could resume my seat. For I just gave you my conclusion.

I gather, however, that I was not asked to give you a « minitalk » and let you clarify my own thoughts. The reason I am here, obviously, is to answer the question printed on the agenda : « Bilingual Communications in Industry — Can It Be Achieved ? »

May I point out right away that I was asked to offer a case study. So, my case study will be based on the general theme of the achievement of bilingual communications in industry.

This theme, of course, must be defined more specifically. We are talking about bilingualism in what industry ? « Quebec industry », presumably. In any case, my remarks are based on this assumption. And now, the other part of the question : can bilingualism be achieved ? No use beating about the bush — it has not been achieved in certain Quebec companies and it has in others.

But, to put it squarely, it can be achieved and it should. Bilingualism should be an everyday reality in all areas of the Quebec economy. I do mean all areas : industry, commerce, public utilities and other services, banking, the Stock Exchange and financial operations in general. Bilingualism should be kept in mind in the printing of lease and mortgage loan forms, in labor agreements and in the hiring of telephone operators, as well as in any and all other economic activities throughout Quebec.

THE COST OF POOR COMMUNICATIONS

I hardly need to explain to you that bilingualism comes directly under the heading of communications. After all, what is language if not a means to communicate ?

At this juncture, we could ask ourselves what the cost of poor communications may be. And we might ask ourselves other related questions : for instance, how much cumulative time is lost in Quebec due to misunderstandings between French and English speaking Canadians ? In financial terms, how do we evaluate the difference in wavelengths between two viewpoints ? In the end, how much does it cost Canada to suffer from the bad feelings generated by the fact that industry is not bilingual in Quebec ? Have we put a dollar sign on the language problem ? It is a safe bet that no answer may ever be found to such questions, except one of approximate generalization such as : « In the long run it must add up to a hefty figure ».

Before commenting further in this regard I wish to define my role in this seminar. I am no preacher. I am not here to preach bilingualism. In fact I want to preach exactly nothing. All I want to do is to answer the question asked on the agenda. And I have already done so in stating that, in Quebec, bilingualism is necessary and advantageous in industry.

And in Quebec, bilingualism is possible. Better still, it is practiced. It is an essential aspect of communications. To live a normal life, men must understand one another, they must pull down the hurdles that impede communications. Since you and I are professional communicators, there is no need to prove such an elementary truth.

A MATTER OF ATTITUDE

Still, you may be interested in a factual instance which seems appropriate at this point. It has to do with the statement made to a newsman by a distinguished Canadian woman who has written best-sellers.

With other Canadians of note, she was a guest at an official dinner. After a while she noticed that the man seated on her left was paying no attention to her. He never looked her way. Out of curiosity she nudged him gently and said a few casual words.

Right away she saw that the man had a glass eye, the right eye, the one on her side. It also happened that her left ear was deaf. So, both blindness and deafness separated them. This, naturally, had been an obstacle to their getting acquainted. Once this fact was acknowledged the conversation started to run at a fast clip.

I need not add that, in the area of communications, one must look and listen — mind you, I don't say see and hear, but look and listen. If we look and listen in earnest we are sure to see and hear. It's not a matter of being able to but rather one of wanting to. In other words, it is a matter of attitude, of a friendly frame of mind, of goodwill. Before testing one's ability to communicate, one must want to communicate. It's as simple as that.

A moment ago I said that, in Quebec, bilingualism is a fact in industry. This, I think, calls for some qualification. What bilingualism are we talking about? That of French Canadians or that of English Canadians ?

ALCAN AS A CASE STUDY

I made it quite clear, at the beginning of my remarks, that I had been asked to present a case study. I picked on the one I know best, that of the company i work for — Alcan. And I just added that, so far as bilingualism in Quebec is concerned, we should find out which way it's going : from French to English or from English to French?

Well, in Quebec, Alcan's bilingualism is a two-way street. Therefore, I am not talking to you about an organization where only French Canadians are bilingual, but one where a great many English-speaking people express themselves in French every day of the week. In fostering bilingualism in both directions, Alcan has simply been minding its own business. It has always been Alcan's notion that speaking both languages in Quebec is good business. It started to speak both when it first came to Canada — more precisely to Shawinigan, at the turn of the century. In fact, our Company feels that speaking several languages is the business-like thing to do.

Hence am I in no way embarrassed in choosing Alcan as a case study for a huge international complex which has identified itself with its numerous language environments. One of those environments is Quebec. And in Quebec Alcan is bilingual. It has always been. It is ever more so. But our company does not go overboard in this connection. Our management never considered ethnic origin a priority reason to hire or promote anyone.

The four French Canadians who are vice-presidents in the Alcan group of companies didn't get there because they are French Canadians. No, the reason is simply that they are competent. Our French-speaking works managers, one of whom runs the world's largest aluminum complex, in Arvida, were not promoted because they are French Canadians, but rather because, year after year, they proved their competence at ever higher levels of management. They didn't get the top jobs suddenly. Like all their colleagues of various ethnic origins they had to make the grade.

I'll go even further. While I myself am French Canadian to the core, and although, like most French Canadians, I am sensitized to the nationalistic leanings of those we like to call « our own people », I would be the first to acknowledge that being French Canadian, in Quebec, should never supersede competence when it comes to promotions.

In a remote sense it may be argued that being French Canadian in Quebec is one of the many aspects of merit. Such a consideration, however, ought not to be blown up to the extent of dwarfing several others, such as technological knowledge, managerial know-how, the art communicating clearly, drive, punctuality, devotion to duty, leadership.

Let's go on to a concrete example.

MELCHIOR CARRIÈRE

Does the name Melchior Carrière ring a bell with you ?

I would doubt it. At Alcan, however — and especially in Shawinigan — the name is the French equivalent of Horatio Alger.

Who was the late Melchior Carrière ? No less than one of the grand masters, a genuine virtuoso, of aluminum production in North America. He started as a common laborer. He eventually became the company's general manager of aluminum production. He trained a good many men who hold major positions in the aluminum industry. Alcan was not interested in whether he was French Canadian or not. He made it to the top on merit alone. And this the company acknowledged publicly when he celebrated his fortieth year of service.

To climb gradually from a menial job to the top level in aluminum production in a company the size of Alcan's is an achievement which proves that, in a case like that of Melchior Carrière, being French Canadian is no hindrance when merit is the prime consideration.

Melchior Carrière bore witness to another attitude on the part of Alcan management. The moment they set up shop in Shawinigan, the company's pioneers started to recruit French-speaking personnel, local people who were provided with opportunities to learn more and more about the aluminum business and who gradually were promoted to important positions. You cannot ascribe to mere chance the fact that there are so many French Canadians at the head of major departments within Alcan. Nor should you think that Alcan acted differently in the case of French Canadians. What it has done here and is still doing in more than thirty countries around the world.

TALK JAPANESE ? NATURALLY !

Alcan has long been in the habit of identifying itself with its environments to the extent of picking up languages as a matter of course. Last October in Japan, for instance, the president of Alcan Aluminum (Asia) Limited, who is also the Alcan Group's general manager for the Far East, was bestowed the rare privilege, for a Westener, of playing a prestigious part in a Shinto wedding ceremony. He hails from Switzerland. But he now speaks Japanese.

He and his wife were the « baishakunin » — or intermediaries — between bride and groom during the religious rituals. This meant supervising the whole sequence of rituals both at rehearsals and at the ceremony proper, participating in the strict Shinto etiquette themselves, then proclaiming in Japanese that the rites were valid. Later, at a dinner attended by some three hundred guests, the Alcan executive spoke again in Japanese, with just the right sprinkling of humor the occasion called for.

So, a top Alcan executive speaks Japanese ? Of course. What else...

Now, let's face it. Would Alcan be multilingual if it wasn't good business ? Is it not crystal clear that being bilingual in Quebec helps our company ? Why should it act different here from the way it does all the world over?

BlLINGUALISM ON THE BALANCE SHEET

Let me say that in Quebec specifically, over the last thirty years or so, our company has been footing the bill for French courses attended by a great many of its English-speaking executives. Ditto for English courses followed by French-speaking personnel. Again, we in Alcan believe that bilingualism in Quebec is a two-way street. Bilingualism costs money ? Why, of course. It's not itemized in detail on the balance sheet, but it's budgeted for. And we feel it's a sound investment.

In the educational field we have taken other steps. To help those of our employees who had not reached the ninth grade the company went into adult education in a big way with the help of local school boards. It was agreed with these boards that the French language would be one of the main three subjects at the time of exams.

Alcan went even farther and, here, it broke new ground in personnel training. That was in 1943. Some of our employees were taking courses by mail from International Correspondence School. An English-speaking Alcan executive who had been a professor asked I.C.S. permission to have its courses translated into French, plus the right, for French-speaking students, to undergo their exams in French. This — a new departure for I.C.S. — was granted. Today, the English-speaking gentleman who had blazed a new trail in personnel training is a technical adviser with the Quebec Department of Education. There's B & B for you ! Alcan is proud of such people.

Believe it or not, Alcan may have gone a little too far in its effort to become part and parcel of Quebec. Before power utilities were nationalized, a few years ago, Alcan had a subsidiary in the Saguenay/Lake St John district. It was called Saguenay Electric Company.

It was 100 per cent French, right down to the initials in its elevator. Two of its presidents in succession were French Canadians. When the company was nationalized, however, a good many top management people in the subsidiary wanted to remain within the Alcan group. The trouble was they were not bilingual enough, although they knew their electrical onions better than most, They rated a good position with Alcan, naturally, but phasing them in was no picnic. Because Alcan, same as all large international corporations, must speak English and not only local languages.

Now, here is another minor point to stress. Since it is an Alcan policy to buy from local suppliers who can meet the company's conditions, communications are in the suppliers' language as much as circumstances make it possible.

ALCAN PLANT PAPERS IN QUEBEC

Speaking to industrial editors, I feel it appropriate to recall that the first Alcan plant paper put out in Canada was entirely in French. It was published in Shawinigan under the name of « La Revue de l’Aluminium ».

In the Saguenay/Lake St. John district, Alcan's weekly « Le Lingot » prints only a couple of pages in English out of an average sixteen. It covers the nine works and other Alcan locations in the area. Out there, the company puts out two other French papers, one at Arvida works and the other at the Isle-Maligne works, in the town of Alma. The Alcan papers in Shawinigan and Beauharnois are also exclusively in French.

Are Alcan's plant paper editors satisfied with the standard of French they print ? Being perfectionists, I don't think they ever will be. But they do keep improving.

We started more than twenty-five years ago using international French aluminum terminology in our plant papers. And don't kid yourselves : French Canadian employees grasped all shades of meaning in that terminology. They use the international French words pertaining to their jobs more and more. In our training courses we try to use the proper expressions so that employees at all echelons get to know them. We keep adding to the French aluminum vocabulary year after year, building up a lexicon which is kept up to date.

Incidentally this lexicon is not limited to the metallurgy of aluminum. It encompasses other fields, including accounting. In this respect, it may be noteworthy that both the French and the English versions of Alcan's annual report are official.

THE LETTER AND THE SPIRIT

Alcan personnel at all levels acknowledge the fact that bilingualism in Quebec is company policy. This policy is not spelled out in the form of an edict. Rather, it is an all-pervading spirit, or attitude. It is in this sense that one must see bilingualism as an Alcan reality throughout Quebec. This reality has been with the Company ever since it started operating in Quebec, and it has been increasingly conspicuous over the last twenty-five years.

Alcan employees know they can work exclusively in French at several Quebec locations. They know also that their labor unions negotiate agreements in French and that the French version of these agreements enjoys priority. Some agreements are not even translated into English. As a result of this and other circumstances, job description and evaluation for most employees are set out in French. In fact, Company and Labor representatives devoted ten years to this common task.

More and more, at Alcan's Quebec locations, meetings are held almost exclusively in French even if unilingual Anglo-Saxons participate. In other meetings, it may be unalloyed bilingualism, each speaking — not necessarily his mother tongue — but the language he feels like improving at that particular moment, his own or the other. At all those locations, work orders and service messages are bilingual or French only, as are also safety signs and notice board material.

Finally, employees at certain Alcan locations in Quebec well know that, when time is of the essence and only one language can be used, Alcan will use French.

But then, you may ask whether this tendency to Frenchify everything in Alcan's Quebec operations is not detrimental to English-speaking personnel.

Let's be frank. It would indeed be detrimental if the company did not put means to study French at the disposal of its English-speaking staff. It was pointedly explained a moment ago that these people are encouraged to become bilingual, since it may help them get ahead, at least in Quebec.

Naturally, if an executive who holds a top position in the Alcan group in Britain is transferred to a Quebec location at age 55, for instance, he may not instinctively want to start learning a new language at his age. Bilingualism is most useful among people who are forty or younger. Still, it is interesting to see white-haired gentlemen, burdened with heavy responsibilities, begin to study French at an age when we all know such a mental exertion is strenuous, especially when bilingualism is no more a requirement for promotion, a mere ten years or so from retirement.

I could name several English Canadian works managers and department heads who made it a point to study French and look for all kinds of opportunities to try it on their French-speaking colleagues. This yen to speak French never resulted in top management branding them as off-beat, because Alcan, as an organization, just doesn't think that way. And this, again, is a proof that bilingualism, with Alcan, is a way of life in Quebec. French Canadians improve their English and the latter improve their French. A good many perfectly bilingual French Canadians have held or now hold key posts with Alcan in foreign lands. For instance, for a few years, the personnel manager in Guiana was a French Canadian. Today, he is a vice-president.

One of the first French Canadian engineers hired by Alcan at Arvida, in 1926, later became a works manager. Today he is retired — so to speak, as he is now the general manager of C.O.S.E., a management training organization which Alcan helped launch several years ago.

In 1935, as the Depression was slowly rolling out of its deepest trough, Alcan resumed recruiting university graduates to strengthen its middle management. The company hired four engineers. But the president insisted that two of the four be French Canadians. Well, one of the two is now vice-president. The other one, after a fruitful career with Alcan, has joined the University of Montreal.

THE KNOWLEDGE OF ENGLISH

Generally speaking, in Quebec, it is not easy to land a promising staff position in an English-language corporation if one does not speak English. Not knowing English is a handicap.

So far as Alcan is concerned, the handicap is only temporary. The company has confidence in its executive trainees even if their English is poor. Its attitude is that if a young graduate is ambitious he will take the steps required to get ahead, and one of them, clearly, is to speak and write English just about as well as French. What I wish to stress here is that our company blackballs no one because of an insufficient knowledge of English.

Same as many another large corporations, Alcan goes to universities and technological institutes to recruit personnel. My latest information in this area is that from forty to forty-five per cent of all Canadian university graduates Alcan has been recruiting in recent years are French Canadians.

Of course, you just wouldn't believe me if I said that nobody in Alcan is lukewarm towards bilingualism. The opposite would be incredible. Whether we like it or not there will always be backward people on both sides of the linguistic fence. But there is a whole of a difference between a few individuals and a corporation which has invested about three quarters of a billion dollars in Quebec, where it employs some twelve thousand people. And in any case, as we have seen already, Alcan's policy is to adapt itself to its environments.

Such factors must be considered with a cool head. In business, as we all know, it pays to be realistic. For Alcan, fostering bilingualism among its Quebec personnel is the businesslike thing to do. Our company plays no favourites. As a business organization it cannot afford to. Its policy is simply that to operate in Quebec it must be as bilingual as the North American business realities make it possible to be.

Alcan had such an attitude more than twenty-five years ago, a long time before the political bickerings of recent years, and a long time before there was so much talk about introducing more French in business relationships inside Quebec.

If you look at Alcan's annual report there is one valuable asset that is not expressed in figures — and that is its reputation, its reputation in Quebec and throughout the world where, thoroughly integrated to its various environments, it never becomes a harmful foreign body in the social anatomy.

THE USE OF INTERNATIONAL FRENCH

If you assume that Alcan worries about the quality of its French you are entirely right, because international French is the only variety it strives to master. Right here in Quebec, the company goes along with all movements aimed at improving spoken and written French.

This, in fact, entails hazards. You, as newspapermen, know this. Did you ever try to find an expression that will satisfy at least two linguists ? A term that, having satisfied two linguists, will also be okayed by accountants, sociologists in personnel, economists, engineers, foremen and employees ? Frankly speaking, when you venture into the jungle of semantics, you live dangerously. There are days when our plant paper editors feel they jeopardize their life expectancy by trying to please everybody. To them, jumping aboard a satellite aimed at the moon would look much less frightening.

But isn't there a bit of adventure in all jobs ?

So, to sum up : bilingual communications in industry — can it be achieved ? It most certainly can, according to the case study of Alcan. And I was not asked to study other companies. Each of you, using Alcan as a benchmark, is now in a position to make comparisons with the organisations he knows best,

Cet article est une reproduction dune conférence prononcée au colloque de « La communication bilingue dans l'industrie »,organisé par l'Association canadienne des rédacteurs de publications d'entreprises (section du Quebec), Hôtel Bonaventure Montréal, le 20 mars 1968.

FR:

En 1965, l’Université de Montréal présentait un mémoire à la Commission d'enquête sur le bilinguisme et le biculturalisme. Nous avons crû bon en reproduire quelques extraits.

EN:

DOMTAR has invested in Quebec a large part of its capital, maintains over 7,000 employees (40% of its Canadian work force) in that province and has located its head office in Montreal. Its markets, however, are international. Thus its basic interest on constitutional, cultural, and linguistic matters.

FR:

1. Le régime constitutionnel et le climat politique de la province de Québec doivent assurer le maintien, sans entraves, du commerce entre les provinces canadiennes et à travers le monde, mettant à profit la position du Canada vis-à-vis les pays étrangers. Pour que l'industrie québécoise conserve sa vigueur il est nécessaire qu'elle ait libre accès au volume de marché qui est présent ailleurs au Canada et à travers le monde.

Dans le domaine des pâtes et papier, par exemple, des sommes très importantes sont requises pour de nouvelles installations et, sans le concours d'un puissant marché domestique et d'exportation, de tels investissements ne sauraient être justifiés. Notre décision récente de construire une nouvelle fabrique au Lac Quévillon en Abitibi a été prise avec l'intention de servir un marché substantiel au Royaume-Uni, en Europe, aux Etats-Unis et au Canada tout entier.

A La Salle, Québec, nous fabriquons des laminés de plastique « arborite » en quantité suffisante pour satisfaire tout le marché canadien, et 41% de cette production est vendue au Québec. Sans le libre accès au marché canadien cette exploitation, dans sa forme actuelle, ne serait plus justifiée.

Nous rencontrons cette situation dans d'autres secteurs de notre entreprise où nous satisfaisons le marché canadien avec une production provenant d'un seul ou de deux endroits au Canada. Ainsi nous fabriquons en Ontario la totalité du papier a onduler nécessaire à la transformation de nos produits d'emballage à travers le pays.

2. En déterminant les objectifs à poursuivre par le Canada français on devra tenir compte du rôle essentiel joué au Québec par le capital qui y est investi et entourer ce capital d'un climat favorable à son accroissement.

Nous estimons qu'environ 45% de notre capital est engagé dans cette province et si nous voulons pouvoir accroître cet investissement, il est nécessaire que nos actionnaires, où qu'ils habitent, aient la conviction que leur apport au Québec est en sécurité et présente une garantie raisonnable d'un profit attrayant.

3. Le régime constitutionnel et le climat politique du Québec doivent permettre l'entrée libre dans cette province de nouveaux capitaux venant d'ailleurs au Canada et dans le monde, tout en encourageant une participation financière accrue des actionnaires québécois.

C’est seulement en accordant son encouragement à la venue de nouveaux capitaux que la province de Québec connaîtra l'essor rapide qu'elle convoite et nous croyons que l'apport venant de l'extérieur de la province est plutôt de nature à stimuler la participation financière des citoyens du Québec qu'à la gêner.

4. L'industrie engagée dans l'exploitation des richesses naturelles du Québec doit avoir l'assurance d'un approvisionnement continu et avantageux de matières premières pour justifier les lourds déboursés nécessaires à son expansion.

L'exploitation forestière est une des activités principales de notre compagnie et dans l'élaboration de nos projets d'expansion les conditions qui entourent l'utilisation immédiate et future de la forêt compte parmi les facteurs importants dans le choix du site d'une nouvelle installation.

5. Certaines villes de la province de Québec, et en particulier Montréal, attirent dans cette province des hommes d'affaires en nombre sans cesse grandissant qui y établissent le siège social de leur entreprise. Le sort réservé dans ces centres aux compagnies canadiennes et internationales qui y ont installé leurs bureaux d'administration, leurs services de recherches et de génie et leurs centres de distribution influera certes sur l'avenir de la province de Québec. A cause de la nature des services qui sont dispensés dans ces centres, le Québec français doit y permettre l'utilisation de la langue choisie par les compagnies pour la conduite de leurs affaires.

5. Certaines villes de la province de Québec, et en particulier Montréal, attirent dans cette province des hommes d'affaires en nombre sans cesse grandissant qui y établissent le siège social de leur entreprise. Le sort réservé dans ces centres aux compagnies canadiennes et internationales qui y ont installé leurs bureaux d'administration, leurs services de recherches et de génie et leurs centres de distribution influera certes sur l'avenir de la province de Québec. A cause de la nature des services qui sont dispensés dans ces centres, le Québec français doit y permettre l'utilisation de la langue choisie par les compagnies pour la conduite de leurs affaires.

Comme compagnie canadienne, nous aurons toujours à notre service, et en grand nombre, des employés d'origines autres que québécoise et nous entendons donner à chacun et à l'échelle nationale un traitement équitable permettant à chacun d'accéder à un sort toujours meilleur au sein de notre organisation selon ses qualifications et ses aspirations. Pour obtenir ce résultat, il est nécessaire que nous puissions maintenir la mobilité de notre personnel admis à nos services de contrôle en l'entourant d'un climat qui reflète le caractère linguistique de notre compagnie.

Les rapports qui existent entre nos services de contrôle et les centres d'exploitation que nous possédons partout au Canada et à l'étranger doivent être maintenus dans une seule langue et le Québec français doit tenir compte de ce facteur essentiel dans la détermination de ses objectifs, sans quoi la présence à Montréal de notre Siège Social ne serait plus possible.

6—Sans restreindre ce qui précède, nous croyons toutefois que l'industrie doit être préparée à établir graduellement et le plus rapidement possible la langue française comme langue de travail au sein de ses exploitations québécoises. Nous soutenons que cette réalisation saura promouvoir la participation de la population québécoise à sa vie économique, et nous sommes heureux de souligner l'effort fourni par notre compagnie à cette fin.

Dans cette perspective, notre conseil d'administration a encouragé la formation de services français de recrutement, d'entraînement, de relations ouvrières, de relations extérieures et de secrétariat qui nous permettent de transiger en français avec une partie de la population du Québec et avec nos employés de cette province.

Il n'entre pas toutefois dans nos intentions d'enlever ici aux canadiens français leur liberté de s'exprimer en anglais avec leurs concitoyens d'expression anglaise et nous nous opposons à toute mesure susceptible d'entraver cette liberté, car l'avancement des Canadiens de langue française au sein de compagnies canadiennes ou étrangères dépendra dans une large mesure de leur habilité à conduire des affaires dans une autre langue.

Il faudra encore quelque temps avant que nous puissions établir complètement le français comme langue de travail dans nos exploitations québécoises car, malgré les progrès manifestés par la population québécoise dans le secteur de l'éducation et malgré le nombre grandissant de Canadiens français qui démontrent un intérêt pour les sciences reliées aux carrières industrielles et administratives, nous ne pouvons pas encore aujourd'hui remplir tous nos cadres au Québec avec des candidats diplômés des universités canadiennes-françaises.

En déterminant ses objectifs le Canada français doit en même temps promouvoir les carrières industrielles et administratives en les rendant attirantes et prometteuses.

CONCLUSION

Nous apprécions les graves problèmes qui confrontent présentement nos gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux. L'adaptation de l'industrie aux nouvelles conditions imposées par les ententes commerciales entre les nations, l'exode de la population vers les villes, la planification économique, la révision de nos systèmes d'éducation, les conséquences du progrès technologique sur la main-d'oeuvre, les besoins grandissants de sécurité sociale, le développement technologique des campagnes, l'expansion des réseaux routiers sont autant de problèmes cruciaux qui assiègent avec vigueur nos gouvernants et qui ne sont pas sans créer dans la population des sentiments nouveaux.

Grâce à l'énergie déployée au cours des récentes années par le gouvernement du Québec nous croyons que sur le plan économique et culturel, la province de Québec est en grand progrès.

Il est de la plus grande importance pour nous que les problèmes qui opposent les divers éléments du pays soient réglés à la satisfaction de tous ; le sort économique du Québec, et du Canada tout entier, ainsi que l'avenir de notre compagnie en dépendent.

Nous espérons que notre position sur les problèmes du Canada français recevra un accueil favorable de votre Comité, et qu'elle aura su lui faire reconnaître quelques-uns des principes fondamentaux que nous croyons essentiels à la recherche de nouveaux objectifs.

This article is a reproduction of a briefsubmitted to the Parliamentary Committee on the Constitution at Québec City, June 18, 1965.

FR:

En 1965, la Confédération des syndicats nationaux menait une enquête sur la situation de la langue française au Québec. Avec la permission du président de la CSN nous en extrayons quelques données qui nous paraissent significatives.

FR:

Fondé en septembre dernier, le comité de la langue française vient de se fusionner au Mouvement pour l’unilinguisme français au Québec. Il publiait récemment la déclaration suivante que nous reproduisons à titre d'information.