Documents found

  1. 132.

    Article published in Les Cahiers de droit (scholarly, collection Érudit)

    Volume 35, Issue 1, 1994

    Digital publication year: 2005

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    For the past several years, Quebec has been defining itself as a distinct society, striving not only to maintain its rights, but to flourish either as a member of the Canadian federation or as a sovereign state acting on its own on the international scene. Obviously, the distinctiveness of Quebec lies in the fact that it is the stronghold of America's French-speaking communities and the principal guarantor of the survival and transmission of a unique culture, comprising both elements from the French tradition and typical values of the continent where it has taken root. Quebec differs also from other provinces by its private law system, which is of French origin and therefore codified. In the past, Quebec repeatedly invoked the importance of the recognition of its distinct character within the Canadian Constitution. Several reports on the future of the country and constitutional proposals attest to this. One may think, for example, of the Meech Lake Accord and the Charlottetown Agreement, two aborted constitutional reform projects suggesting the recognition of Quebec's distinct character. However, we must admit that the acknowledgement of Quebec's distinct identity, as formulated in these two proposals, carried an obligation for all governments in Canada to ensure the preservation of the official language minorities' rights. More specifically, the Charlottetown Agreement provided that governments should further the development of the said minorities. If several scholarly articles have been devoted to the Meech Lake Accord, too few have been written on the Charlottetown Agreement. This article attempts to remedy this situation. It examines the intrinsic nature of two of the principles formulated in the Charlottetown Agreement : the distinct society and the development of official language minorities. It further analyzes the interrelations between these two principles which would have resulted from the entrenchment of the Agreement in the Canadian Constitution. The present article also looks into the correlations which should have been established between the principle of the development of official language minorities and other principles formulated in the Canada clause of the Charlottetown Agreement.

  2. 133.

    Article published in Criminologie (scholarly, collection Érudit)

    Volume 14, Issue 1, 1981

    Digital publication year: 2005

  3. 134.

    Article published in Revue de droit de l'Université de Sherbrooke (scholarly, collection Érudit)

    Volume 14, Issue 2, 1984

    Digital publication year: 2024

  4. 135.

    White, Stephanie

    Performance and Memory

    Article published in Ethnologies (scholarly, collection Érudit)

    Volume 24, Issue 1, 2002

    Digital publication year: 2003

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    RésuméThe Trans-Canada Highway (1949-1962) was a major postwar Canadian nationalist project. It is also a real roadway, originally constructed to standards acceptable in 1949, and paid for by the provinces and the federal government. It is a clear case of a material object designed under a set of conditions that evolve, adapt and persist through changing circumstances. The highway's physical materiality and usefulness ensures its continued presence; its political and social readings are more ephemeral. Its ambitions of sovereignty were a response to American concerns over geopolitical security. Its routing was a response to American tourism. Its structures — bridges, overpasses, guard rails, verges, signage — are at once intensely local, sited in very particular landscapes, and at the same time follow the lineaments of abstract expressionism — overtly the quantifiable universalism of the modern movement. The Trans-Canada Highway is a case of modernism coming to ground in a local geography.

  5. 136.

    Article published in Études internationales (scholarly, collection Érudit)

    Volume 52, Issue 1-2, 2021

    Digital publication year: 2022

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    This essay presents some strategic considerations on how Canada can strengthen its foreign policy. To differentiate itself from great powers and deploy a strategic foreign policy, Canada must deepen and implement its feminist foreign policy. A feminist foreign policy is a forcing mechanism for the undertaking of a holistic strategic review. Such a policy is more inclusive and democratic in nature as it emphasizes civil society access and participation in the international system. If this policy is implemented in a rigorous manner, it presents an opportunity to consolidate the coherence between Canada's intervention on feminist issues at home and abroad. A feminist approach in foreign affairs must be rooted in the field and target the needs of communities ; thus it must be supported by a greater presence of Canadian diplomats abroad and a robust diplomatic footprint.

    Keywords: Affaires étrangères, stratégie, Canada, politique étrangère féministe, empreinte diplomatique, Foreign affairs, Strategy, Canada, Feminist foreign policy, Diplomatic footprint

  6. 137.

    Other published in Éducation relative à l'environnement (scholarly, collection Érudit)

    Volume 13, Issue 2, 2016

    Digital publication year: 2016

  7. 138.

    Other published in Les Cahiers de droit (scholarly, collection Érudit)

    Volume 21, Issue 1, 1980

    Digital publication year: 2005

  8. 139.

    Article published in Cap-aux-Diamants (cultural, collection Érudit)

    Issue 60, 2000

    Digital publication year: 2010

  9. 140.

    Article published in Liberté (cultural, collection Érudit)

    Volume 6, Issue 1, 1964

    Digital publication year: 2010