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U.S. foreign policy no longer aims at the pursuit of a “national interest” and international goals based on merit, but is essentially a result of political calculus and electoral considerations. This reality is not new but has greatly increased under the presidency of Donald Trump. The question is whether President Biden can stop this trend. The short answer is no. Several domestic factors will affect American foreign policy and undermine hopes of a “return” of the United States as internationalist leader, the way it has been after the end of the Cold War. U.S. foreign policy is now clearly subject to the vagaries of domestic politics.

Keywords: Présidence américaine, Joe Biden, Trump, politique étrangère des États-Unis, facteurs domestiques, American presidency, Joe Biden, Trump, foreign policy of the United States, domestic politics

This article is based on the observation that there is no consensus on the definition of humanitarian aid. In order to appreciate the diversity and ambivalence of responses to situations qualified as crises, it therefore analyzes the case of an ngo, the International Crisis Group (icg), which specializes in the prevention of armed conflict through communication that involves humanitarian advocacy, diplomatic lobbying, alerts, political awareness and research. The study of the Group's discursive practices indeed helps to decipher the different languages of an aid industry whose contours are always blurred, from medical relief to military intervention. It also clarifies the difference between mediation by ngos and advocacy by networks grounded in pacifist values, such as Pax Christi.

Keywords: plaidoyer, médiation, conflits armés, communication humanitaire, International Crisis Group, advocacy, mediation, armed conflicts, humanitarian communication, International Crisis Group

The current reforms in public administration are intended to be the culmination of the move to implement digital government. Those reforms were already informing the implementation process some twenty years ago. However, since the first «e-government», the context has undergone significant changes. The use of clouds, biometric data, as well as the increasing use of algorithms in automated procedures all raise the issue of data protection, both public and private. While the focus is on the technical and administrative dimensions of these changes, their legal framework remains problematic. The choice of legal instruments reveals a preference for soft law as a regulatory tool in preference to legislation. While this preference is standard in the field of public policy, it warrants nonetheless the enhanced protection of citizens' rights and makes the case for the use of robust legislation in the place of administrative instruments. Despite the increasing use of legislation, the absence of a framework law leaves many issues unresolved from a legal perspective.

Young people's songs and music can be seen as the places where their identity and understanding of the world are expressed. This article addresses young Romanians' relationship with time. Analysis of their songs shows that these young people are in the grip of an identity schizophrenia, incapable of using either the past or the future in order to make sense of the present. Whereas other more optimistic generations projected themselves positively into the future, these young people are trapped in the present, incapable of envisaging their future, just as they had been under the Ceaucescu regime. The three segments of time — the past, the present and the future — are never related to each other. Despite the new social and political context of freedom and democracy, young people remain pessimistic; they have serious doubts about the new System and its leaders. This situation can be seen both as an effect of the transition period and as a legacy of the communist regime. There is a glimmer of hope, however: the integration of Romania into the structures of the global economy, which is happening notably in the musical domain, allows us to foresee the healing of Romanian youth.

Substate governments are not considered important actors in IPE, and tend to be overlooked in the literature on trade negotiations. This neglect in scholarly work contrasts uncomfortably with the impact substate governments now have on international trade agreements, and the impact of trade negotiations on the interests of subnational governments. “New generation” trade agreements increasingly involve areas under the jurisdiction of subnational governments, whether public procurement, labour, state monopolies and corporations, investment, the environment or sustainable development. This evolution has made subnational government involvement more critical. In order to avoid becoming mere implementers of trade agreements negotiated by the central government, subnational governments, like the Canadian provinces, have become more involved and have exerted greater influence in trade negotiations. However, this situation does not reflect a linear progression. During the renegotiation of NAFTA, the Canadian provinces had a less important role than during the CETA negotiation, but a more important role than in the CPTPP negotiation. This article compares the role Ontario and Québec played in the NAFTA renegotiations with CETA and CPTPP negotiations.

NAFTA was a deep integration agreement geared towards creating a single economic space in North America. CUSMA continues and expands this dynamic, in particular by addressing head-on the problem of regulation and interoperability of regulatory systems. NAFTA addresses it from the point of view of non-tariff barriers. CUSMA goes much further: first, it makes mutual recognition and regulatory convergence a line of conduct crossing all chapters; secondly, it presents a modus operandi in a specific chapter devoted to good practices; and third, it brings regulatory cooperation under trade disciplines, even giving access under certain conditions to the dispute settlement mechanism. The author takes up these three elements in the following article. In conclusion, he wonders about respect for collective choices in a context of trade regulatory convergence.