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This article investigates locational determinants of Chinese and Russian FDI in Europe from 2006 to 2017. Chinese and Russian FDI bear certain similarities. They have been attracted by technology and innovation. However, in contrast with Russian MNEs, the choice of Chinese investors have been also affected by the existence of opportunities offered by market, in particular by the subprime crisis. Russian FDI has been more motivated by geopolitics. The empirical results on the impact of institutional variables on Chinese FDI have been mixed, while Russian FDI has been attracted by weak institutions.

Keywords: IDE Sud-Nord, les EMN émergentes, Union européenne, déterminants institutionnels, modèle multi-niveaux, South-to-North FDI, Emerging Market Multinational Enterprises (EMNEs), European Union, Institutional Determinants, Multilevel Model, IDE Sur-Norte, empresas multinacionales emergentes, Unión Europea, determinantes institucionales, modelo multinivel

AbstractLanguage is an important identity marker and is often a symbol of immigrants' resistance to assimilation within the host societies. Indeed, by speaking their own languages, immigrants in Europe develop their transnational identities and set up defensive boundaries against possible cultural homogenisations. This is particularly relevant for Muslim immigrants, since Arabic is both an identity and a religious symbol. In many European mosques, Muslims consider Arabic as the only acceptable language. In particular the khutbat [Friday sermon] should be written and read in Arabic. In contrast, Muslims in Northern Ireland, who have developed their ummah [community of believers] in the only mosque and cultural centre they have (located in the Northern Ireland's capital, Belfast), have selected English as their main community language. In this article, the author analyzes the reasons that have brought this Muslim community to use English as a complex metaphor of their peculiar social-cultural position within Northern Irish society.

European integration is currently being enlarged by the adhesion of countries who participated in the European Free Trade Association to the European Union. Switzerland is an exception to this trend. Despite predictable problems, Switzerland is committed to bilateral negotiations because the Swiss Federal Council's goal to adhere to the European Economic Area was not accepted by a national referendum in December 1992. According to numerous observers, the result of this referendum has created a deadlock.This paper examines the mosaic of attitudes about European integration amongst Swiss nationals. The paper evokes the specific geographical factor of territoriality, which is closely interrelated to clear distinctions of both cultural and linguistic kinds. The Swiss Confederation can be subdivided into four large regions with specific political behaviours. Moreover, the central region, including the small founding Cantons of the Confederation, still retains the capacity to prevent the whole country from joining European integration processes, for a yet undetermined period of time, because the Swiss Constitution stipulates that any decision of this importance should be made by the majority of the Cantons.

Keywords: Europe, Suisse, territorialité, maillage politique, position, Europe, Switzerland, territoriality, political webs, position

The cooperative movement in Europe plays a very significant role in reality but has a weak collective identity and lacks political clout. This situation is largely the result of how the movement's representative organisations have evolved in individual European countries. They have developed in very different ways, mixing and promoting sector and cross-sector organisations depending on the case. Briefly examining three national experiences, we identify the different models and their evolutions. These national analyses help us compare the way representative organisations have developed and determine possible future directions for representing cooperatives at the European level.

Mavis Gallant is often studied as an expatriate author whose work is centered on the Elsewhere, and for good reason. One glance at the titles of her short stories – The Other Paris, In Transit, Paris Stories, Going Ashore – reveals the important role that travelling plays in her imaginary. However, Gallant's writing also carries within it a persistent and complex discourse concerning “home,” home presenting itself sometimes as Canada and sometimes as Québec. In this article, we examine the relationship between “home” and the Elsewhere, first in Gallant's fiction itself, but also in the introductions, the prefaces and in interviews in which she reflects on her own writing. In these latter meditations, Gallant frequently employed travel figures which should be taken into consideration in all analyses of her work. Working with the Home Truths collection, this article focuses on the short stories in which characters who leave for Europe end up returning to Canada. At the same time, the article examines characters who are seen to return to Montreal after spending years in New York. If Gallant's stories are rarely autobiographical, they offer, nonetheless, indirect references to her personal journeys through a continuous exploration of delocalization. In this context, “home” inevitably becomes an unstable category. Given that such instability has already been studied in relation to exile, our article focuses instead on questions surrounding fiction and travel figures found in Gallant's work.

SummaryA large set of recent studies tends to show that employment is currently gaining increased importance in the content of collective bargaining in the European Union member states. The notion of bargaining on employment refers to negotiation processes that may take place among unions and employers' organizations and, sometimes, the state, and that aim to increase employment levels and to reduce unemployment. In other words, this type of bargaining consists in defining joint rules organizing, or at least attempting to organize, employment volumes and flux, with the objective of preserving or creating jobs, on the one hand, and of assisting the unemployed to find a job, on the other. It is sometimes contrasted with bargaining focused on more traditional issues such as wages or working conditions, because it has a specific objective, trying not only to regulate employment relations, but more generally to regulate employment as such, defined in terms of number of jobs.In the European Union, and more precisely in the EU-15, this takes place in a context where employment rates steadily remain below those of Japan and the United States, the two countries with which comparisons are traditionally made in the official figures published by the European Commission. Similarly, even if some countries have now virtually achieved full employment, such as Austria and the Netherlands, for instance, average unemployment rates in the European Union remain around 8%, higher than in either Japan or in the USA.It is important to keep this context in mind when one considers the fact that social partners in the European Union participate in various bargaining processes aimed at building joint solutions for a more efficient labour market. This takes place at several levels: first, at the European level, social partners are invited to participate in the “European employment strategy” that annually defines guidelines for all member states and that stresses the contribution of unions and employers' organizations in the preparation and implementation of those guidelines at national level; second, within the member states, it also includes tripartite agreements and “social pacts” that reflect the revival of neo-corporatism in European countries since the early 1990s and that include not only wage moderation clauses but also joint projects for employment; third, employment is also taken into consideration at lower levels of bargaining, e.g. at the level of branches, regions and companies.The article examines collective bargaining on employment issues with a focus on the nature of the processes involved and shows that they represent a specific type of bargaining, both in terms of the rules produced and in terms of the relationships between the actors involved.The first part briefly summarizes some important data on the context of employment in Europe and key points of the European employment strategy. It also discusses the notion of bargaining on employment and refers to the concept of regulation to analyse this type of bargaining. The second part examines the characteristics of bargaining on employment, successively looking at the subjects negotiated, the uncertainty that accompanies this type of bargaining, the relationship between the state and social partners and, finally, the nature of emerging compromises.In terms of content, bargaining on employment touches a very wide range of issues, extending from measures oriented towards the protection of existing jobs to programmes to support the unemployed, through changes in work organization intended to preserve or to create jobs. In fact, if there is in Europe a broad consensus on the fact that employment is a priority for all, and here more particularly for states, unions and employers' organizations, the specific content of bargaining behind the general objective is much less consensual. It is, moreover, highly uncertain as arrangements concluded aim to stimulate employment but very rarely include a clear and quantified commitment to a specific number of jobs.In terms of processes, bargaining on employment, to the extent that it contributes to the regulation of the labour market, implies intertwined roles between governments and social partners. More generally, neo-corporatist processes have attracted renewed interest in European countries since the 1990s, and the search for joint solutions to regulate the labour market has contributed to these developments. Tripartite programmes for employment along with social pacts reflect the search, on the part of social actors, for transformed trade-offs organizing the labour market, in which the notion of “employability” holds a growing place.In conclusion, collective bargaining on employment tends to reflect an apparent paradox: it opens greater space for flexibility, for company-based solutions, for a notion of “employability”, but through the means of joint regulation from the state and social partners. As such, it raises original issues on the role of collective bargaining in the definition of the rules organizing current labour markets in Europe, in other words on the role of collective bargaining as a regulator of the labour market, beyond the regulation of employment relationships.