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This article proposes to analyze scientific research as the main path for the integration of states outside the Arctic region. We show that for a set of European and Asian states, their scientific involvement in the Arctic has been the driving force behind their integration into the regional political system especially in governance, and whose main structure has been the Arctic Council since 1996. Composed solely of the eight States recognized as sovereign in the region and six indigenous organizations, the Council has incorporated thirteen States with “observer” status. In this article, we, therefore, focus on the scientific activity of these Observer states and the broader dimension of science as an instrument of diplomacy, for participation in governance. However, the Arctic Council framework alone is limited and we show that science is the path to other forms of integration.

Keywords: Science, diplomatie scientifique, gouvernance, coopération, États observateurs, Arctique, Science, science diplomacy, governance, cooperation, Observer states, Arctic

“I am not politically committed. What I write is true. I do not write to support an ideological political theory, a revolution, etc. I write the truth, as I feel it, without taking sides. I write things as they are. As the teller of truth, I am not sure of being committed.” When En Attendant le vote des bêtes sauvages was published, these were the words Kourouma used to justify his creative approach of putting fiction into the service of historical truth, of making it a path of access to the memory of the present, a search for the reality of the world and its beings within the fictional. The present study examines the methods Kourouma employs to rewrite history and the memory of the present in this novel.

AbstractIn Colombia, it is possible to establish links between the period known as La Violencia and contemporary forced displacement since the illegal seizure of land, assassinations and forced migration toward middle-sized and large cities are abiding features of these two phenomena. We have observed in Bogota the impact of forced displacement on a group of Afro-Colombian women of rural origin, coming from Chocó (Pacific region). Their experience of no longer being able to exercise their traditional cultural practices in Bogota provides a glimpse of the dynamic characterizing Colombia's internal armed conflict in this area. They do, however, use certain strategies so that their culture becomes, as it were, a letter of introduction when they attempt to position their depreciated otherness in neighbourhood contexts where cultural practices associated with Colombia's Andean culture predominate; as such, they become intercultural mediators while bringing to light the problems of social exclusion experienced by their neighbours who have not been displaced.

This article examines the nature and emergence of the ironic element in Henri Lopès's le Pleurer-Rire, by bringing pragmatic theories of irony to bear upon the contemporary Congolese novelist's work. The discursive symbolism of Lopès's irony and the formal modes of its implementation are explored by placing the novel within the socio-discursive context of its production and interpretation as a post-colonial African novel. A number of hypotheses follow from the exercise, illuminating the author's relation, not only to the political power he participates in and reflects upon in his book, but also to French-language Black African literary institution. More particularly, Lopès's irony takes the form, on the one hand, of a defensive strategy of self-censorship, and, on the other, of an offensive strategy that views the specificities of post-colonial Black African literature in a perspective of relativism.

The decade following the collapse of the Eastern bloc has led various reformulations of the project of a liberal international order. It also led to the updating of the Enlightenment philosophical project, particularly with respect to Kant's philosophy of history which envisaged the establishment of a confederation of cosmopolitan democratic republics. However, recent literature on the concept of empire and imperialism reminded us that there are reasons to be suspicious at the site of the political economy of cosmopolitan discourse. This tension between tradition and cosmopolitan sociological certain positions such as those contained in the Marxist tradition is not new. This article deals with the genesis of this tension and try to formulate the three main challenges facing an update of the cosmopolitan tradition that seeks to take account of contemporary developments in various sectors of the social sciences.

Keywords: cosmopolitisme, Kant, Marx, sociologie historique, mondialisation, cosmopolitanism, Kant, Marx, historical sociology, globalization, cosmopolitismo, Kant, Marx, sociología histórica, mundialización

Set up in an area dismantled in preparation for Expo 67 (Goose Village), the Autostade was built with the idea that it would become “the stadium” and the main sports structure of the Universal Exhibition. Financed almost entirely by the private sector, and designed by architects Victor Prus and Maurice Desnoyers, so it would be a collapsible and moveable structure, the stadium was rapidly considered to be a simple alternate solution for a range of sports and festive events. Rekindled in 1975 as a solution to the financial and construction setbacks that realization of the Olympic Stadium experienced, the Autostade was again put aside, mainly for political reasons. With an analysis of archival and scientific documents, this article illustrates the Autostade's short life (1966–78), as it went from an unloved or misunderstood architectural work to a completely forgotten sports landmark, and how it embodied important political and economical debates at that time. Simultaneously, this study sheds light on the architectural innovative character of the stadium, possibly markedly ahead of its time for the local elites who had continuous difficulties with its management, to such a point that this tendency for improvisation also affected the organisation of the 1976 Olympic Games.

The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) defines the rights and responsibilities of coastal States with respect to adjacent waters. To ensure compliance with these standards, the right of hot pursuit was devised. Dating back hundreds of years and reflecting the technology available at the time of its ratification, the right of hot pursuit was incorporated into the Convention. However, two of its requirements have proven problematic: the duty to report the start of the pursuit and the continuous nature of the pursuit. The provisions relating to these obligations are also drafted in such a way as to make it nearly impossible to account for the use of new technologies. The relevance of the right of hot pursuit thus depends on its ability to adapt. Hence, a broader interpretation or amendment of the pertinent provisions of the UNCLOS is required.

This article examines the expansion of the mandate of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex) since its creation in 2005. It analyzes the impact of the Agency's growing powers on the human rights of migrants. As shown by the 2020 New Pact on Migration and Asylum, the Agency enjoys strong political support for its integrated management of the external borders of the EU Member States. In particular, Frontex can carry out joint maritime, land and air operations and forced removals, in addition to deploying agents in third countries. In 2021, a permanent contingent of the European Border and Coast Guard with enforcement powers will be established. We argue that this unprecedented reinforcement of Frontex's powers reflects the preference of the EU and its Member States to respond to migratory pressure primarily by securitizing their borders in order to deter unwanted migrants. This approach is not only counterproductive but also leads to serious violations of the rights of migrants, including asylum seekers. Despite some changes in the Agency's mandate to improve the rights' protection framework the lack of clear rules for the determination of Frontex's responsibility in joint operations and the absence of an effective remedy for rights violations remain particularly problematic.

Keywords: anthology, anthologie, anthology, literature, literature, littérature, history of literature, histoire de la littéraire, history of literature, francophonie, francophonie, francophonie

This article reports on the evaluation of the impact of the play Who killed Freebird?, performed by Théâtre Parminou, on students and school personnel. Using a mixed-methods approach, our results reveal significant regional differences in participants’ perceptions and show that the play has the potential to change specific attitudes towards violent radicalization. Findings suggest that the play partially achieved its objectives by raising awareness among youth and school personnel about some of the risks associated with extremist movements. They also suggest that a complexification of the figure of the foreigner is possible through activities that deconstruct stereotypes. Prevention strategies must target specific regional representations.

Keywords: Radicalisation, radicalisation violente, prévention, diversité ethnoculturelle, élèves, personnel scolaire, évaluation