Documents found
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31.More information
The economic crisis that affects the Beaujolais vineyard since the late 1990s is the origin of the abandonment of previously vine-growing plots. It implies important landscape mutations, worrying the local stakeholders. The lack of definition of these abandoned plots, as well as the technical difficulty to qualify and quantify the conversion dynamics, is a problem to hold back the conversion from agricultural to abandoned plots. Photo-interpretation combined with fieldwork and interviews of stakeholders was conducted to characterize the extension and spatial patterns of abandoned plots. It was done for three catchments to compare the results and highlight the underlying ways and means of the conversion of vine into abandoned plots. A typology was built : it includes six types of abandoned plots, each one having, according to its features, its own impact on the landscape. Three temporal filiations between the types were identified : one is located on the hillside, one is in the plain, but the previous vine stocks have been uprooted, and one is in the plain and the vine stocks have not been uprooted. The conversion into abandoned plots was quantified and related with the vine plots extent of the catchments in 1999 : 1.5 % of the vine plots surface that has been converted into abandoned plots for the Lower Ardières catchment, 8.4 % for the Marverand catchment and 8.7 % for the Merloux catchment. A distinction between north and south Beaujolais has been noticed, highlighting the slope and the vintage sorting influence on the abandonment but also of land withholding phenomena.
Keywords: friches, vignoble, impact paysager, facteurs socio-économiques, Beaujolais, agricultural abandoned plots, vineyard, impact on the landscape, socio-economic factors, Beaujolais (France)
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33.More information
Beach ridges individually built by the sea on sandy off-shore bars, and subsequently fed in situ by the wind without merging into true sand dunes, are a rather uncommon phenomenon. However, such forms occur along the Massif Armoricain at the mouth of estuaries or in the inner part of wide bays, and are located at the distal end of sand spits as a consequence of the slackening of the longshore-drift. The ridges originally develop from storm ridges topped with driftwood, or sometimes pebbles, and are eventually fed by the wind. They may also derive from micro-cliffs cut into the sandy basement of the upper beach. The growth of halo-nitrophile and of psammophile vegetation contributes to the development of the ridges. If the sand supply is large, new dunified ridges may be initiated every year, but most of them die quickly. For example, on the Penn ar C'hleuz spit, Finistère, true distinct ridges are built every three to five years only. The pro-gradation of the shore in front of the older dunified ridges may exceed fifty metres a year; on the other hand, during periods of erosion, the retreat may be just as important. The succession of progradations and retreats often results in winding ridges. Along the Massif Armoricain, it is generally impossible to identify dunified sand ridges dating further back than the XVIIth century.
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Based on French situations we question the place of the pastoral system in the territory and in the law through what defines "pastoral land."How land tenure is dealt with, throughout History, by positive law? How public policies take into account land rights related to pastoralism? These questions lead to a finding. Going further leads us to focus on pastoral land tenure and its implementation combining ownership relationship and territorial relationship. Indeed, the way law grabs pastoral space allows us to question land tenure (legal relationship to land) within the matter of territorial identity (making territory). The paradigm that underlies each of them is not always the same causing tensions or confrontations related to two ways of thinking land.Consideration of both land ownership and reality of "land territory" of the pastoral system leads us to a cross between two paradigms. This question gets particularly acute in the context of the World Heritage listing UNESCO of Causses-Cévennes site for its agro-pastoral landscapes. The switch to local heritage character can not be decreed and this UNESCO inscription lays as an opportunity for local actors to formalize land values around pastoralism. Also, endogenous innovations are being recently promoted by local actors in a process of experimentation within the Community of Communes "Causses Aigoual Cévennes Terres Solidaires" (solidarity Lands). The challenge is to highlight the plurality of relationship to land, private property or common territory, that is not limited to the ontology of ownership.
Keywords: droit pastoral, Cévennes, Charte de territoire, usages pastoraux, propriété privée, foncier, territoire, droit négocié, pastoral law, Cévennes, legal territory charter, pastoral uses, private property, land tenure, territory, negotiated law
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In the eyes of a large part of the French ethnologists community, France's signing of the Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention in 2006 opened a new era in the history of its heritage. For some, it is a question of radically shaking loose the traditional values of French heritage and public policy, dominated by the monopoly of high culture and, specifically, fine arts. For others, it is at least a question of a field of opportunity opening up to the discipline and its recognition. Putting this decision in an historical perspective requires a return to the conditions and limitations of the institutionalisation of ethnological heritage over the course of the “heritage years” of the 1980s. Two issues merged at the end of this twenty year period. The first, museological and museographical, directly arises from the perpetual and unresolved crisis of how to collect items of ethnological interest, display them, or turn them into items for scientific inquiry. The second rests with the relationship between projects of regional identity — or “territory projects,” which have been growing in number since 1995, and certainly since 1998-2000, within the context of national area planning, and the multiple attempts at decentralised rezoning — and the continued affirmation of in situ heritage, located in a place from which it draws its legitimacy and which it in turn legitimates. From these two points of view, intangibility poses a challenge which the institutions of the Ministry of Culture and local actors are presently assessing.
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This paper aims to characterize the wide range of research dealing with the governance issues in Integrated Coastal Zone management (ICZM) policies. The rationale of these policies is to apply sustainable development principles to coastal zones. We developed an analytical framework to describe theses researches from the questions addressed to the methods used for studying coastal zone governance. This framework was used to study research programs dealing with ICZM in France. Our results showed that the governance issues are dealt according two main directions. The first direction considers the governance as a tool to improve the efficiency of public policy. The second one refers to governance as an objective, which contributes to a democratization process. The research programs studied in this paper exhibit a focus on mobilisation, stakeholders' participation and negotiation processes. The challenge is then to scale up the approaches from local and empirical studies to more generic findings on ICZM implementation and enforcement.
Keywords: gouvernance territoriale, gestion Intégrée des Zones Côtières (GIZC), participation, territoire, littoral, politique publique, land-use governance, integrated coastal zone management (ICZM), participation, public policy, coastal zone