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This article examines the emergence of the public memory of slavery and the Atlantic slave trade in the Republic of Benin, by explaining how the heritagization of slavery was crucial for the development of a local tourism industry. The article shows that the rise of the public memory of the Atlantic slave trade in Benin is not an isolated venture and that similar initiatives were also developed in other West African countries. The article also discusses how the plural memories of slavery are articulated with the expectations of African American and Afro-Caribbean tourists, who are the main target of projects focusing on slavery cultural heritage and roots tourism. The article concludes that although slavery heritage tourism helped to place Benin among the international slavery tourist destinations, it also contributed to make visible the plural memories of slavery and to commodify African tangible and intangible heritage.

ABSTRACTOntario innovation in harvesting machinery is reviewed in continental context. It is argued that rather than embedding Ontario manufacturers in technological dependence, license agreements taken out by Ontario firms with U.S. licensors transferred technology to Canadian companies. In the period 1830 to 1900 Ontario manufacturers took advantage of U.S. licenses to acquire product designs and by 1880 had mastered ownership of the designs and built the technical ability to produce their own patented designs.

The motor vehicle has been a powerful force reshaping cities in the 20th century. This study, with a focus on London, Ont., examines the role of the automobile in urban areas. Motorization, highway development, and the growth of the automotive business sector are considered in three phases of growth. Until the late 1930s the automobile could be accommodated within the existing urban structure with only comparatively minor changes. The increase of traffic congestion after this period, however, was a compelling force in the decentralization of activities to a new suburban zone. Wider ownership of automobiles in the 1950s resulted in greater consumer mobility, which in turn was a major contributor to the development of a new physical layout for London.

This paper explores the direct and indirect involvement of top businessmen in Vancouver municipal politics from 1886 to 1914. It emphasizes the divergent political aims and roles of large and small entrepreneurs. In Vancouver, unlike Winnipeg, small businessmen rather than the business élite controlled municipal politics. The Vancouver business élite's direct participation in civic politics and indirect influence over municipal decision making were both circumscribed after the initial city-founding period by several factors: business pressures mounted as Vancouver's economy became regionally based, forcing top businessmen to devote their undivided attention to business affairs; limited legislative benefits were to be derived by leading businessmen from formal participation in the day-to-day administration of local government; and voters' deference to business élite views declined once the city's institutional structure had been organized. A government reform movement, aimed at reasserting élite influence in civic politics, was less successful in Vancouver than in many other American and Canadian centres because Vancouver's underlying economic, social and political conditions made reform less necessary.

Recent scholarship has improved our understanding of the increase in home ownership in Canada from the late nineteenth century, but less attention has been directed to the group that owners displaced, landlords. With data sampled from the 1871 manuscript census, this study compares landlords and housing tenure in twenty urban centres of various sizes to reveal variations in housing markets, in the concentration of the ownership of rental accommodation, and in the relative attraction of housing investments for different people.By 1871 housing markets had already responded to industrial development, and landlords in Canada's major centres provided much more residential accommodation than in smaller communities. They also were drawn from different social backgrounds and were more likely in Toronto and Montreal than elsewhere to be artisans and tradesmen, to be younger, and less likely to be engaged in commerce. The market sensitivity of petty landlords qualifies assumptions about the inability of such investors to expand the housing of industrial cities.But, their limited resources did mean that they were unlikely to increase their participation in the housing market further. Nor was there much incentive for the major landlords in large centres — retired businessmen, gentlemen, bourgeois, and widows — to invest more: having retired, further investment required them to constrain their level of consumption and perhaps reduce their standard of living.

Urban history may not have fulfilled the predictions made for it by H J. Dyos because it has limited itself too narrowly to the boundaries of the city itself. A broader regional framework is proposed based on the insights of the traditional metropolis/hinterland concept. Four types of city-region relationships are identified by distinguishing several levels of these relationships: cities and an international urban system; the nation-state as a region; regions within a nation-state; a city and its local hinterland. Examples are chosen from the Canadian, American, Latin American, and Australian urban experiences. An important consequence of this regional approach is that the smaller places, the villages and towns, must also be seen as an integral part of the complex web of population concentrations within a region.

Urbanization in both Britain and Canada during the 19th century was associated with that intensification of capitalist relationships called industrialization. In Britain however, there were nuances worth noting. Industry migrated in from a countryside which was already full of economic activity both agricultural and industrial. Canadian urban growth took place in relatively empty economic space stimulated by the economic activity created by settler migration and commodity trade. Two important differences resulted. First, the contrast between urban and rural economic structures was much greater in Canada than in Britain, where rural community structures influenced urban social patterns. Secondly, Canadian urban centres acted as units of entrepreneur ship, within which leaders used the urban power base to attract capital and ensure its reproduction. The municipalities were weak in relation to the agents of capital with which they dealt; city councils, therefore, conceded much to manufacturers and even more to railways. The greater bargaining power of the established British urban centres showed in their relationship with the railway companies and urban utilities. British urban centres grew in a capital rich countryside. They used their urban power base to react to instabilities created by the accumulation of industrial capital, hence becoming predominantly agencies for the reproduction of labour.

This research proposes to reconsider Open Innovation in terms of coopetition. Only very few studies have specifically focused on such an approach. These logics of coopetition are analyzed in the context of the “patent pools”, an organized form of open innovation we describe as “opening large-scale”, that has been little investigated in the managerial literature. We show that patent pools are based on the simultaneous development of collaborative and competitive practices, whether in their constitution or their operation and then draw lessons from their management regarding the coopetition in Open Innovation.

Keywords: Innovation ouverte, brevet, coopétition, patent pools, Open innovation, Patent, Coopetition, Patent Pools, la innovación abierta, patentes, Coopetition, comunidades de patentes

AbstractThis article presents an overview of the literary controversy surrounding the publication of E. M. Forster's so-called homosexual novel, Maurice, in 1971 and its subsequent publication in Spanish. Some critics published revisionist works in which his other novels were presented in the light of the revelations about Forster's own homosexuality whereas others claimed that the novel shares some of the author's major preoccupations as well as the literary themes and techniques present in all his narrative. Then we proceed to review some key concepts in Translation Studies necessary to carry out a comparative study of the text and the Spanish version: communicative translation, translators as cultural mediators, translation competence, factory translation. The study of the two texts covers three major areas: text level (including an analysis of grammatical features, lexicon, narrative style, conversational English), cultural level (studying key cultural concepts in the novel) and literary level (covering some of Forster's key literary features, the notion of muddle, the anticipatory technique). We then proceed to study all these aspects at play in chapter 25, regarded as the turning point in the novel and as a key chapter both at discursive and literary levels. In the final section, we discuss the inadequacy of the choices made by the translators and the way in which they fail to offer the Spanish readership an adequate version both as regards the text per se and as part of Forster's literary production, and we claim that it shares some of the characteristics of what Milton has called “factory translation.”

Keywords: literary translation, literary controversy, culture, factory translation, muddle, traduction littéraire, controverse littéraire, culture, traduction industrielle, désorientation

SummaryDrawing from Nicholson and Johns (1985) typology of absence culture (N = 460 from 43 work groups), we found that greater similarity in union membership status between co-workers was associated with a lowering of a member's absence culture, as was a more harmonious union-management (UM) climate. In addition, greater similarity in union membership was related to a lowered absence culture when the UM climate was perceived to be positive. The theoretical and practical implications of these findings for understanding the social context in which the absence culture of union members is engendered are discussed.