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During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, French authors did not ignore the word “éthique,” but neither did they make it play a specific role in their works like they did with “morale,” their preferred term. By contrast, English writers were more likely than their counterparts to distinguish “Ethicks” from “Morals.” Consequently, it is mainly in English-language writings that the separation of the two terms can be found. The key authors invested in refining these distinctions are Locke, Shaftesbury, Hutcheson, Hume, and Bentham—the last one being the philosopher who enacted the splitting of these two terms. From their meditations gradually emerges a belief in the conditions for a common moral platform and position; in those authors’ estimation, this foundation could properly take the place of mathematical ethical inquiry. Among those exposing utilitarianism, ethics are a matter of calculation, ethical action achievable through mathematical rules. If calculation is still limited with Hutcheson, it becomes subtler still with Bentham, even if the first utilitarian author stays within the parameters of this moral philosophy. Bentham seems to be inspired by Bayesian–Pricean probability calculus, and his main and seminal ideas are developed in “The Axioms of Pathology” at the end of the “Pannomial Fragments.”

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From the early modern period to well into the eighteenth century, cattle plagues, murrains, or what were called “great cattle mortalities” were often analogized to bubonic plague; felling animals in devastating numbers, these catastrophes likewise afflicted living creatures on a grand scale. Three Enlightenment cattle pandemics (1709–1720, 1742–1760, and 1768–1786) propelled governments across Europe to enact harsh regulatory measures, including widespread slaughters, quarantines, and major disruptions of trade. This article examines works by Theophilus Lobb, Richard Bradley, Nathaniel Hodges, and Daniel Defoe, among other writers and physicians, who responded differently to the ways in which human and animal health were biophysically and imaginatively linked.

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The Abbé de Saint-Pierre sought to develop a science regarding morals that aimed at “the greatest happiness of the greatest number.” In his system, heroic morality and Christian asceticism give way to merit, the service of the nation, and values devoid of any charismatic dimension. Against an intention-based approach inspired by Augustinianism and against Mandeville’s abandonment of self-interest, Saint-Pierre devised political institutions and collective educational programs that guided the desire of distinction toward public utility. Properly channelled, the pleasure of being distinguished becomes a dynamic principle that has the potential to produce a prosperous, harmonious, and benevolent society.

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This article frames the poetry of William Wordsworth and the philosophical writings of Spinoza as mutually illuminating works exploring the ethical and ontological questions raised by bodies in states of passivity and immobility. Both writers, it argues, revise our idea of what a “powerful” body might be by developing the concept of “dynamic passivity”—a passivity that does not stand in simple opposition to states of activity, and that ought to be cultivated rather than overcome in the process of empowering the body. The article examines and contrasts the different ways in which Wordsworth and Spinoza conceive of this dynamic passivity, with particular attention paid to how the former embeds a cultivation of “wise passiveness” for the reader in the very form of his poems, through a variety of elements like syntax, metre, and acoustic effects.

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Mirabeau and Sade, who were incarcerated in the Castle of Vincennes in the same period for breaching moral standards, pursued a correspondence filled with ethical reflections from their time in prison. Their epistolary exchanges in jail show their interest in the penal reform initiated by Beccaria and carried out at the end of the eighteenth century. Their letters likewise underscore the incommensurable aspect of institutional power, the failures of the French judicial system, and the strategies used to crush prisoners. They denounce a world of inverted values in which duping the “deleter” becomes legitimate: the inmate becomes a victim of “brigands” and administrative “executioners.”

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This article considers the ways in which a series of artworks by French artist Jean-Baptiste Greuze focus on the father’s ethical education of his male children, reading these as a close visualization of the pedagogical theories of Rousseau. Through paintings that contemplate family life, religious sentiment, filial piety, obedience versus disobedience, illness, and death, Greuze’s images of male youth coalesce with the ethics promoted in Rousseau’s novel Emile—stressing in particular the compassion and good conscience that a boy should develop under the guidance of his father to become a man of virtue. In so doing, the artist responds to some of the key historic issues and social beliefs affecting male youth during his era: the necessity of apprenticed boys to leave home; an idealization of country living and farming as the best occupation for the adult male; and an overwhelming concern, widespread during this heightened period of warfare and unrest preceding the French Revolution, that young men go astray when they become soldiers.

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La Religieuse is a classic French Enlightenment work in its elucidation of forced religious vocation as well as the hypocrisy and abuses of the Catholic Church. In reviving and effectively re-envisioning the novel, filmmakers Jacques Rivette and Guillaume Nicloux succeed in bringing Diderot’s ideas to bear on contemporary issues such as the image and role of the Church post Vatican II, and the effects of patriarchal and religious oppression on the individual. This article examines the context and reception of all three works (the original text and two film adaptations) and their engagement with specific historical circumstances as well as more universal concerns; by extension, this project represents an effort to probe the perhaps unexpected, continued interest in Diderot’s writings in popular culture today. An analysis of the literary and cinematic posterity of La Religieuse underscores the ongoing pertinence of French Enlightenment thought while illuminating the linked political and aesthetic inheritance of Diderot’s novel.

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In Sweet Liberty, writer and director Alan Alda dramatizes the process of turning a scholarly study about the American Revolutionary War into a Hollywood film; he does so in ways that bring out the ethical complexities of adaptation, and eventually takes them to a meta-filmic level rarely seen in non-experimental cinema. While Sweet Liberty initially comes off as a light comedy with a predictable plot and ending, on closer inspection it compels us to reflect on the relationship between historical research and the popular entertainment industry. Although Alda appears to chastise the makers of period films who seek to capitalize on “history” without paying heed to historical facts, his professorial hero is not particularly critically minded either. Intentionally or not, Alda demonstrates that evaluating a mainstream history film cannot be reduced to a dichotomy between truth and fiction, and that research-based knowledge should also be viewed with a healthy skepticism.

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The eighteenth century occupies a crucial place in the history of tears. Not only did this period gave rise to the concept of sensibility, but it also witnessed the development of new aesthetic and moral codes founded on the exaggerated use of tears. This article, which is concerned precisely with such codes, examines the nature and significance of emotional display in the eighteenth century. It argues that throughout this era, tears were associated with moral renewal and they were intended to be shared, particularly when engendered on the theatre stage. This study also shows how these collective tears were steadily devalued as a public good throughout the nineteenth century, to the point that the act of weeping became personal and intimate, valorizing the individual instead of the communal.

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Daniel Defoe’s fictional autobiographies often contain a puritanical conversion narrative, but Colonel Jack’s narrator is unique in his problematized relationship to Christian conversion. Alert to the negative implications of mercenary conversion, Defoe presents in Colonel Jack a hero who not only revels in his complex ploys to evade the law, but explicitly rejects conversion to Christianity at several points in the narrative. By reading Colonel Jack alongside narratives of European enslavement and incarceration, I suggest that in this text Defoe deliberately reproduces the form of the popular Barbary captivity narrative. This subgenre of narrative portrays conversion as a force to be resisted, informs Jack’s reluctance to embrace Christianity, and ultimately suggests that living in a Christian nation may actually be a hindrance to conversion, making Catholic South America a milieu more conducive to the protagonist’s religious transformation than Protestant Virginia.

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Today, eighteenth-century poetry is undervalued by readers and scholars alike, still the victim of a persistent bias among French literary historians who consider this period as rationalist and antipoetic, an era of unfortunate verse that was fortunately ushered out by Romanticism. By reading a corpus of anthologies of seventeenth-century French poetry published in the twentieth century, this article investigates a particular modality of this invalidation: how the aesthetic merits of the Baroque are elaborated against highly critical readings of eighteenth-century poetry. “Baroquist” anthologists deliberately (mis)read Enlightenment-era poetry as insipid in order to value and define “their” object of study more forcefully. Should we believe these critics, the Baroque and the Enlightenment periods would seem to be wholly antithetical to each other: the former rife with orphic creative flare, celebrated as the cradle of modern poetry, and the latter suffering from a total lack of poetic artistry. The aim of this article is to show the ways in which Baroquist anthologies see eighteenth-century poetry as “post-classic” at best, and to offer a rationale for their damaging historiographical strategy.