This article addresses the spatial analysis of crime. Following a brief historical overview, the author discusses major conceptual and methodological issues relating to the study of space and crime. Emphasis is placed on the description of spatial statistical tools (i.e. spatial mean, standard distance, turbulence...) and on the problem of spatial autocorrection. Two maps are presented and discussed.
The focus in this paper is on individual factors such as high impulsivity and low intelligence, family factors such as poor parental supervision and erratic parental discipline, and neighbourhood factors such as physical deterioration and social disorganisation. In the interest of reducing complexity, biological, peer, school and other factors will be neglected.
In this paper we utilize data from the Drug Market Analysis Program (DMAP) in Jersey City, New Jersey, to provide some preliminary insight into the spatial relationship between street level drug markets and crime. We begin our paper with a description of how the DMAP information system was used to define drug markets and the characteristics of the markets that were identified. We then turn to an analysis of the incidence of reported crime within drug market boundaries. We find that drug market areas include a disproportionate share of arrests and crime related emergency calls for service in Jersey City. Streets and intersections within the drug markets are also much more likely to evidence reported crime than non-drug market places. We conclude with a discussion of our findings and the implications of our research for further study of the spatial relationships between drug markets and crime.
The problem addressed in this analysis is whether « routine activities » of drug dependent criminals are associated with the spatial concentration of crime committed by these criminals. This problem is tested in a series of analyses including an investigation of the spatial pattern of the residential burglaries committed by drug dependent burglars using W.A.V. Clark's spatial choice housing search models. While Clark used the home and work place as nodes in the housing search, we use the home and drug market place as nodes in the criminal search of drug addicts. If the addict supports his or her habit with property crime, these nodes are expected to be a focal point for criminal activity in a distance minimizing scenario. The data indicate that the spatial concentration of property crime about drug market places means that a « crime containment » policy practiced by many police agencies is doomed to failure. Property criminals will continue to probe outward from a containment area which encompasses a drug market place. In fact, drug dependent property criminals may act as a vanguard for spatially expanding drug markets. Drug sellers and drug dependent property criminals seem to operate in a symbiotic relationship.
This particular article describes and applies one type of analysis borrowed from regional economics and regional planning to look at macro to micro patterns in criminal activity. The technique is called Location Quotients and is used to analyse the relative mix of crimes across areas. Location Quotients are shown to have their strongest potential in microanalysis of crime patterns. As an initial test of the technique's relativistic analytic value. Location Quotients for motor vehicle theft were calculated for several levels within a Canadian cone of resolution that descends from the provincial level to the individual level in the municipality of Burnaby, British Columbia.
By examining protests over the high price of wheat, this article attemps to re-evaluate the true impact of the variable «price » on protest movements. Over and above the pressure exerted by the increase in the price of produce, other factors figured in increases in popular unrest. Oversimplification and a mechanistic analysis linking these protests with the high price of grain fail to explain the nature of these movements. It is necessary, therefore, to consider not only structural elements, but also the interplay of local unions, the impact of descriptions of self and other, and the influence of rumours and expectations.
We would assume that mass newspaperdom which is slowly introduced by the end of the XlXth century was tributary to the dominant conception of liberties which attributed rights to the householder and garanteed the privacy of the home. The evocation of these rights would then give rise to hesitations to intervene publicly in family quarrels. But, a documentary research of the Quebec daily La Presse reveals, on the contrary, that it proceeded to expose virulently cases of domestic violence in such a way that husbands became the main target of sarcasm. Therefore, unlike the ideological positions generally conceded to the Victorian project, the general tendancy to reduce the Victorian moralism to two main angles — being the purification of sexual behaviors and the promotion of a holy, asexual and family image of women — is questioned. The social project of the XlXth century appears more complex than what is generally thought since it proceeds not only to subject women but looks concurrently to “civilize” and moral-he the conduct of men.