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At the end of the First World War, Austria-Hungary has stopped existing. France developed two possible politics facing Austria-Hungary : either its disappearance or its keeping up under a new form. As mentioned in the two Quai d'Orsay memorandums, November 1917 and March 1918, France seems to be favourable to Roland revival and Czecho-Slovakia creation. France also relies on a « Great Romania » formation to create an anti-germanic barrier. Other factors mil also influence French politics : mainly the entry of the United States into war and the Czernin declaration consequences. However, the Armand/Revertera discussions analysis gives prominence to another possible politics : the upholding of the Austria-Hungary counterbalance to Germany. France will even try, by diplomatic manoeuvres at the end of war, to save the Danubian Monarchy through the intervention of Berne's new French ambassador, Paul Dutasta.
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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.
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Throughout the XIXth century federalism in Eastern Europe sought to regroup small nations and states within federal structures capable of guaranteeing their collective independence in the long-term vis-à-vis those powers directly interested in that region of the continent.After the First World War the federalist forces of Eastern Europe, conscious of the tragic effects of the balkanization of Central and Eastern Europe, had approached regional reconstruction in a spirit of unity. This unity, whose spirit and idea derived from a common historical experience, was taken up by the progressive forces active within the resistance during the Second World War.Shortly thereafter, among the political forces tending to promote regional unity, the socialist and communist parties engaged in activities of major importance. From their initial perspective, the solidarity of the Eastern Countries was to lead to the establishment of federal structures without the adhesion of the Soviet Union.
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The situation of the Roma's differs from that of other minorities in Hungary and Romania. This is mainly because of the discrimination which they are particularly subjected to and also because they do not have any motherland to which they can be linked to. The author hereby proposes a threefold study of the Roma's social and judicial conjuncture specific to the Hungarian and Romanian experience. First, she analyzes the Roma's situation before the fall of communism in order to better understand the particularities thereof. Second, she examines their present situation and assesses respective national legislations in the minority protection sphere in order to evaluate if the latest measures implemented can effectively improve, or offer a permanent solution to the contemporary problems they are confronted to. The author completes her analysis by determining the extent to which a potential European Union integration would create an impact on the protection of the Roma's rights. Consequently, the author comes to the conclusion that present national legislations are insufficient to offset racial discrimination or discrimination based on ethnicity and that is affecting the Roma's. The author also articulates the necessity of a sustainable detailed approach before being able to speak of a true pluralistic democracy and of enhanced minority rights for the Roma's in both Hungary and Romania. The possibility of integrating the European Union has recently forced the hand of both the Hungarian and Romanian govemments to alter their policies in a positive way. However, results remain below expectations and the situation has yet to improve beyond what is necessary for the Roma's situation to improve in a substantial way.
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AbstractThis paper uses recently declassified sources to trace Ottawa's reaction to the Hungarian Revolution, challenging the traditional view that Canadian policy was swift and generous. It argues that Ottawa responded to the events in Budapest cautiously, keeping with the modest dimensions of its foreign policy. While the government's decision to accept almost 40 000 Hungarian refugees remains at the core of the narrative, this paper also explores the revolution's impact on Canadian foreign policy. It locates the reaction to the crisis against the backdrop of Ottawa's evolving attitude toward the ussr after Stalin's death. The moderation in Canada's Soviet policy beginning in 1954 conditioned the response to the crisis in Hungary and reinforced Ottawa's determination to engage the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe constructively, despite the events of November 1956.