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Assuming that the synoptic reading of partial theories is of use in the building of cumulative theories, the author seeks to establish common points between theories of the decision-making process in foreign policy and theories of power and egotiation at the international level. This paper seeks as well to complement these latter two types of theory with the findings of decision theory. After having justified his undertaking by the relations existing between observed phenomena - that is, decision, power and negotiation - and by the absence of a theory taking these three phenomena into account, the' author sets out the plan of his reflection in function of the distinctions between the approaches and factors emphasized by the various decision theories. The text considers the defining elements of the most important contributions of the specialists on the question. To conclude, the author provides a synoptic table of the main observations of his analysis. This table, which in the author's opinion is able to account for specific situations that are not explicitly described therein, demonstrates that the paradigms of theories of power and negotiation may only be established by reference to the decision paradigm.
The ultimate goal of industrial policy is to allow constant improvement in both the quality and standard of living. Necessary conditions to such improvement are full employment at both high, real wages and at increasing rates of productivity. For the European Economic Community, productivity must not only increase absolutely but also relatively, in comparison to other international competitors. Yet during the 60's and early 70's, Europe's competitive position in a number of major industrial sectors weakened, such that the energy shock, when it did come, signaled a reversal in established terms of trade. Suddenly, the Common Market was confronted with new problems of adjustment and decline.
It is within this context that both the role and the focus of EEC industrial policy have changea and that come to play the underlying dynamics that shape European industrial policy formulation. In these new economic conditions, traditional policies of demand management, of counter-cyclical measures and of monetary control have proved inadequate to restore real growth, full employment and ordered structural change. While purely national solutions appear to be no longer possible in many sectors, member countries have become increasingly locked into competitive rather than the complementary industrial strategies. New and intense political strains have emerged.
Political legitimacy and a clear mandate are critical to the formulation and implementation of industrial policy. Although the essential economic logic of the Treaty of Rome is clear, its political dimensions are less evident. Indeed there is nothing in the Common Market treaty about industrial policy. Yet as the question of industrial development moves to the centre of political debate, the future evolution of the community will be increasingly linked to EC industrial policy. This article analyzes European industrial policy as we enter the 80's. It begins with an analysis of the economic realities and the social and political forces behind the changing focus of European industrial policy and examines briefly the context of industrial policy formulation at the European Community level. Subsequently it turns to the new sectoral pattern and emphasis of European industrial policy. Finally, the article evaluates the evolution of European industrial policy in the latter part of the 70s and considers emerging trends.
The author identifies the variations in Peking's foreign policy since 1949 as the variable outcome of an equation involving stable principles and changing contexts. First, she identifies those principles that from the Chinese perspective are the guidelines of their foreign policy. Second, she attempts to demonstrate by reference to practice that these principles, far from constituting restrictive norms, are adapted to situations in a manner to ensure the perpetuity of China. Informed by an ages-old diplomatic tradition, the essentially pragmatic Chinese leadership interpret changes in the international context in the light of long-term objectives. These may be summarized by two concepts : the safeguarding of peace and the emancipation of humanity.
By taking these considerations into account the author studies the foreign policies of the Chinese People's Republic that would appear to be the most susceptible of demonstrating the conceptions of its leaders with respect to international relations. In particular, the strategic position of the China of the 80s is commented upon within this analytical framework. The author concludes from her observations that Chinese behaviour on the international scène may be better understood by considering the goals pursued rather than the statements of principles put forward.
The hypothesis of European Systems distinct from that or those composed of States is not new. In order to utilize this hypothesis effectively cognizance must be taken, in addition to the multiplicity of actors, of the rivalry of their projects and their strategies. Such an approach to the European reality would contribute to the construction of a new and useful model provided that certain methodological procedures are respected.
Research efforts with respect to integration must not be subordinated to the examination of relations of interdependence within the international System. Ostensively structured to renew the problematics of integration, a thesis of that nature is in fact akin to the older « realist » paradigm. Rather, one would hope to benefit from the findings of research respecting transnational relations and to incorporate them with the more institutional concerns of integration theory. This theoretical mix is expressed by a network model, which respects the specific, multiple and hierarchic combination that characterizes integrationist phenomena.
The "European network" model possesses two registers. Globally, there is the operator or System of relations that transforms or "translates" relations among groups. At this level, the model makes it possible to effectively describe the makeup of political Europe. Locally, the network is a assemblage of structures or hierarchic and stable sets that assume the form of alliances or of groupings, conflicts or shared ventures.
Two further concepts are necessary to activate the network model: those of the "position" and "strategy" of the actors. The former is founded on dynamic oppositions and involves categorization of "major" and "minor" actors whose relations are analyzed by a consideration of the network's structures of order. The concept of "strategy" seeks to give expression to the relationship between the organizational mode of a social group and its representation. By attempting a synthesis of the "Marxist" approach of integration and the study of "transgovernmental" relations, this concept could be applied to the European States.