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When the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien was elected with its strong majority mandate in October 1993, there were few prospects of any substantial change in the long established liberal-internationalist foundations of Canadian foreign policy. As the government moves into the second half of its mandate, however, it is clear that important change has taken place. Both Pearsonian internationalism and Trudeauvian nationalism have been swept away as the central elements in Canadian foreign policy, in favour of an assertive globalism. Although many of these changes were introduced by the Mulroney government and flourished in its later years, under Chrétien the transformation has acquired new strength and speed. Yet because it is largely a reactive rather than strategic process, devoid of the vision which Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau brought into office, there mil continue to be periodic]'allures, difficult adjustments and opportunities missed.
The following treatment of U.S.-Canada relations begins with the Ottawa-Quebec nexus and its impact upon the connection with the United States. Then the analysis proceeds through bilateral relations. The essay concludes with a look at multilateral interactions from the focus of both Canada and the United States. Thus the analysis proceeds from the most specific to the most general, and from the most internalized to the most external. Concluding with a paradox, the argument of the essay is that despite the end of the Cold War and the disappearance of imminent external threat, uncertainty has never loomed larger in the relation of Canada to its southern neighbor, for all parts of Canada including Quebec, and for the Canadian polity as a whole.
Moving towards the end of the twentieth century, relations between Canada and Europe are not exempt of changes which concern practically all of the issues and contain a number of risks that can potentially provoke or aggravate conflicts between these two long-time partners. If relations between them can be seen on the one hand as "extraordinary" because of their sharing of common values and objectives, they can also be considered as "ordinary" inasmuch that both do not seem oblivious to resort to geo-economic violent measures. This paper will examine the nature of Euro-Canadian relations and their recent orientations and identify some of the factors underlying their evolution in order to assess whether these special relationships will be maintained as well as their capacity to influence world events.
Even though substantial administrative and financial changes have been introduced in the United Nations since the early 1980s, the end of the Cold War has brought about a turning point in its process of reform. The impressive growth of UN peacekeeping operations has tipped the balance in favor of major transformations in this field. Indeed, since the publication of the Secretary General’s (Agenda for Peace) many changes have been undertaken and improvements achieved. However much still needs to be done. This paper addresses three particular issues: institutional reforms, organizational reforms and reforms through adjustments. While little will be said on the first two issues, since they are relatively well known and treated elsewhere, this paper will focus on UN'S peacekeeping operations and their actual evolution as a way of assessing the continuing process of reform in the United Nations.
This paper begins by reviewing some of the theoretical issues to be canvassed in any consideration of trade and foreign policy. The empirical core of the paper is a description of the many recent proposals to enhance transatlantic relations, it then turns to consideration of a puzzle : why has this resurgence of Atlanticist fever in trade policy happened now ? Finally, in the conclusion, it discusses whether the Transatlantic Free Trade Area (TAFIA) is meant to be an objective of policy in its own right, or an instrument used in pursuit of some other objective. The paper concludes that TAFTA is not significant for trade policy, but it is for foreign policy.
In February 1995, Canada 's Liberal Government issued its first Statement on foreign policy entitled Canada in the World. This Statement viewed international assistance as but one component of an over-arching foreign policy framework geared to the Government's three primary objectives: the promotion of prosperity and employment, the protection of security within a stable global framework, and the projection internationally of Canadian values and culture. This paper argues that among the salient considerations shaping the Government's response to the global economic outlook was the emergence of significant "new players" as partners and competitors of Canada's in international trade and investment, including newly industrializing economies like South Korea, Mexico and Taiwan, and middle income high growth developing countries of Asia and Latin America.
Chronique des relations extérieures du Canada et du Québec