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ABSTRACTThis paper proposes a reading of Montesquieu's work on the basis of recent debates concerning political relativism. The overall method which is present in some of the major themes of the Lettres persanes and De l'Esprit des lois suggests that this thought is structured at once by a normative horizon of universality and by a plural conception of the political good.

AbstractThe idea of a social contract is central to the tradition of liberal political philosophy. Staging a critical dialogue between liberalism and anarchism makes it possible to locate nodes of tension within both the liberal thesis of the social contract, which bespeaks an uchronia, and anarchist political philosophy, where a social contract is also considered but from a utopian perspective. Through this debate between political philosophies that converge and diverge at various points, the liberal fiction of the social contract can be more easily scrutinized from a critical perspective ; at the same time, the anarchist notions of contract, free association, and mutual aid can be analyzed in finer detail.

SummaryWhile analyses of the State have told us much about the trends of the crisis it is undergoing, they have been silent on the reasons why certain states manage to survive these trends while others appear to be headed for decomposition. The goal of this article is to provide some elements of an answer to this question through an analysis of the reorganization processes and forms of European states over the last few decades. The comparative analysis proposed here attempts to tease out common lines of force while bearing in mind the diversity of research trajectories aimed at better articulating the approach of political regulations and social regulations.

Keywords: État, crise, État-providence, réorganisation, Europe, régulation politique, régulation sociale, néolibéralisme, transformation, State, crisis, Welfare, reorganization, Europe, political regulation, social regulation, neoliberalism, transformation, Estado, crisis, benefactor, reorganización, Europa, regulación política, regulación sociale, neoliberalismo, transformación

Ever since Monroe's doctrine and up to President Carter, the American foreign policy in Latin America has been remarkably continuous both from the point of view of objectives - the maintenance and extension of American influence and domination - and that of the pressures required to attain them - from direct military intervention to economic sanctions, including clandestine activities of destabilization. Carter came to power and from then on that policy rested on different principles which became expressed, particularly in the case of El Salvador, in pressures for the respect of human rights, a temporary suspension of aid from the Interamerican Development Bank and in the immediate recognition of the regime which followed the coup d'État of october 1979 and which made possible a third option between a reactionary dictatorship and a takeover by the Marxists. The principles were once again altered under President Reagan for whom the fight against communism and international terrorism is a priority.Latin America acquired a new strategic importance and El Salvador became the scene of the East-West conflict, the symbol of American determination to contain Soviet expansionism. But Reagan's policy in El Salvador had to be restrained confronted as it was by opposition both internal, from the public, and external through the stand taken by the Allies. In spite of starting doctrinal differences, Carter's and Reagan's policies in El Salvador are very similar, both showing incoherence and inefficiency. They are heirs to a situation and an intellectual tradition which they perpetuate, one clumsily, the other cheerfully. But the failure of the Reagan administration is even more patent than that of its predecessor. The United States have only one alternative left, military intervention or negotiations with the guerilla, and furthermore they risk "losing" El Salvador the Vietnam or the Nicaragua way.

The article studies the careers of pro-participation elected officials in three French cities between 1990 and 2020. It shows how they perform a paradoxical leadership through their participatory claims. Their claim in favour of a dilution of decision-making power actually reinforces its personification. If participatory democracy is a resource, the conditions of its use as political capital are linked to their social trajectories, and such capital remains specific. Despite their pro-participation act, they must cope with the norms of political representation. Such observation is especially relevant given the delegative and majoritarian biases in the French local government system. All this further highlights the irreducibility between participatory and representative democracy.

Keywords: gouvernement local, élus locaux, maires, démocratie participative, leadership politique, capital politique, local government, local councillors, mayors, participatory democracy, political leadership, political capital

Today, ecological thinking appears to be central to the understanding of the upheavals at work in the balance of the biosphere. However, they have only been marginally studied by French political science. In addition, feminist epistemologies and, more broadly, the ecofeminist corpus have been marginalized in this discipline. This article examines the possible points of contact between these feminist theoretical and methodological contributions and the seriousness of ecological mutations. Based on these lines of research, some hypotheses are formulated for a feminist approach to the Anthropocene, with the construction of ecological humanities as a horizon.

Keywords: écologie radicale, théorie critique, écoféminisme, épistémologie féministe, humanités écologiques, ecofeminism, radical ecology, critical theory, ecological humanities