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Following a general consultation by parliamentary committee, the Youth Protection Act was amended in June 2006. The present article examines two of the modifications introduced, more particularly one concerning measures of seclusion and the other dealing with secure accomodations. Amended section 10 of the Youth Protection Act specifies that the expediant provided for in section 118.1 of the Act Respecting Health Services and Social Services, that is to say isolation, may never be used as a disciplinary measure. The writers describe various types of confinement employed in rehabilitation centres in order to determine which ones actually may be considered as a form of isolation within the meaning of section 118.1 of the Act Respecting Health Services and Social Services, and which, as a result, would be specifically prohibited under the terms of the Youth Protection Act. As for new section 11.1.1 of the Youth Protection Act, it emphasizes that recourse to the use of secure accomodations known as intensive supervision units should be exceptional. Such units, which facilitate the close supervision of a child's behaviour and movements through a more restrictive layout and special living conditions, may never be used as a disciplinary measure, and may only be utilized where there is a serious risk that the child represents a danger to him or her self or to others. As for the actual decision to place a child in an intensive supervision unit, the writers set out the procedural safeguards required in order to conform to the fundamental justice requirements of section 7 of the Canadian Charter and of section 24 of the Quebec Charter.

ABSTRACTViolence against female vagrants involved acts committed by men on street prostitutes and between women. Montreal court and police records provide glimpses into the public spaces of the city where these women worked, socialized, and lived. This terrain was dangerous. Vagrant women fended for themselves in a hostile environment where they were accosted by or participated in a range of violent acts from insults to murder. They used an array of manoeuvres to reduce danger and to redress violent confrontations by turning to the criminal justice system to resolve conflicts and to prosecute perpetrators of aggressive acts. They were seldom successful in their pursuit of justice given their disreputable reputation.

AbstractBetween 1870 and 1920, the voluntary deaths of 13 British Columbian women, identified by coroners and jurors as prostitutes, provoked a response out of all proportion to their numbers. This essay examines this response, focusing first on the narratives created by witnesses at the coroner's inquest on the body, and then on the interpretations of those who did not literally "know" the dead woman. I argue that the bodies of the dead can be read as a text which invoke multiple interpretations and meanings. Running through all the narratives is a discourse of respectability which shifted attention from an examination of the body and morals of one women to that of society as a whole. Those who knew the women read the death in ways that emphasized their own and the deceased's personal connection to the community in which they lived. Coroners, jurors, and the press inscribed their fears of sexual disorder and racial miscegenation upon the bodies of the dead. Through examining and responding to the deaths, the women and men involved in the inquest process helped create and bolster a particular moral and social identity which utilized the prostitute as a metaphor of social evil. When the body of the prostitute no longer evoked this response, prostitutes' deaths were excluded from the inquest process.

This article delves into the recent efforts of Asian migrant massage and sex workers in the Town of Newmarket, Ontario, and their struggle against a recently amended Personal Wellness Establishments (PWE) By-law. It starts with a historical overview of municipal licensing schemes and legislated migration controls in Canada, used to justify increased surveillance, control movement, and deny Asian women entry into Canada, before illustrating the enduring impacts on Asian migrant workers today. It concludes by emphasizing that migrant sex workers, often depicted as voiceless and nonconsenting victims, take leadership and have agency in defining their own struggles and authoring possibilities to resist.

Keywords: Asian migrant workers, massage and sex workers, municipal licensing, mutual aid, legal history

In 1534 Feliciano de Silva published Segunda Celestina, the first and most influential of several sequels of Fernando de Rojas’s editorial hit. In this entertaining and light-hearted fiction, Silva brings the old bawd back to life and reinvents the original story to rectify its erotic and violent atrocities with the moral truths of the faith as envisioned by Erasmus’s Christian humanist thinking, which transpires in the spiritual, social, and ethical values comprised in the text. This essay explores the ways in which Segunda Celestina, in dialog with Erasmus’s ideas, portrays, in a jovial and rather carnivalesque manner, the spiritual progress of a morally imperfect, but inherently virtuous society. In this light, Segunda Celestina can be construed as Silva’s attempt to write a book of entertainment for a popular audience that would also be profitable from a humanist and Christian standpoint.

Keywords: Celestina, Celestina, Feliciano de Silva, Feliciano de Silva, Erasmo, Erasmus, Christian humanism, humanismo cristiano

Chaim Kruger (1877–1933) was born in Lithuania, educated in Lithuanian yeshivas, and became a personality of some importance in the Montreal Jewish community after his emigration to Canada in 1907. He was a rabbi, a rosh yeshiva (teacher of Talmud), a shokhet (kosher slaughterer), and, not least, a mainstay on the journalistic staff of Montreal’s Yiddish newspaper, Der Keneder Adler, from 1921 to 1933. At the Keneder Adler, he contributed to nearly every section of the newspaper. Kruger translated into Yiddish the wire service reports of items of national and international interest for the front page. He wrote thousands of articles under his own name as well as several pseudonyms on a wide range of subjects including extended series of articles on Judaic studies, Canada–US relations, economics, and ecology on the editorial and op-ed pages. He edited the newspaper’s weekly children’s column as well as its daily advice column. Not least, from 1927 to 1933, Chaim Kruger published no fewer than ten serial novels in the Keneder Adler under the pseudonym “Hyman Zinman.” None of them was ever published in book form. This article will briefly survey all of Kruger’s serialized novels, and examine one, Der Froyen yeger (The Stalker of Women), in greater detail. It will attempt to situate Kruger’s novelistic oeuvre in the context of the publication of scores of such serialized novels in the North American Yiddish press in the early twentieth century as well as in the context of attitudes toward popular Yiddish literature (shund) during that period.

Keywords: Chaim Kruger, Yiddish journalism, Yiddish literature, Serialized novels, Montreal, Keneder Adler