In 1849, the burning of the Parliament put an end to Montreal’s statute as capital but opened a new political era. Although these tragic events had a strong impact on Canadian memory and history, the fire also consolidated the “responsible government”. While the new government was still weak and criticized from all quarters, and Tories were fuelling unrest in town, a large campaign of speeches and meetings was set up. It helped consolidate a new Canadian political community around the government by proclaiming its support to the Governor General and its allegiance to Queen Victoria, consequently sealing the reorganization of powers within the British Empire.
From its founding in the seventeenth century until the nineteenth century, the community and nation of Kahnawake operated according to its own laws, and was governed by its own leaders. But by the latter decades of the nineteenth century, federal legislation had stripped Kahnawake leaders of many of their powers and strengthened the position of the Department of Indian Affairs. This article explores the external pressures that caused a breakdown in land governance in Kahnawake and led to a wood crisis in the 1870s. It argues that external pressures created a context in which local leaders could no longer govern effectively, and where there was considerable confusion about who was in charge and which laws would be enforced. Mohawks understood that their nationhood was under serious threat and used various strategies to attempt to maintain their own laws and government.
The author draws here on his exploration into the history of fathers and fatherhood in Quebec between 1900 and 1960, a project inspired by the international literature in the field and sustained by four distinct and complementary sets of primary sources. Framed within this broader initiative, the article begins with a sketch of a standard sequence of three successive « models » – the breadwinner, the teacher, and the new father – that structures, in his reading, most of the literature on Quebec fathers since the 19th century. With that in place, he proposes the ‘faces of fatherhood’ as a new conceptual framework, borrowed from historians John Demos and Robert Rutherdale, that can foster a richer, more nuanced, and less linear interpretation of the paternal experience over time. In the end, drawing on two sets of primary sources (life writing and commercial advertising), the author uses the examples of four specific « faces » – the spiritual father ; the disciplinarian father ; the farsighted father ; and the father as sportsman – to demonstrate the power of this concept to move the discussion forward. It is quite possible and indeed necessary, in other words, to situate Quebec fathers with respect to a much wider and more complex range of roles, expectations, and responsibilities than is generally allowed in the literature, incorporating detailed attention to change over time and to variations by geographic and social location.
This paper analyzes the development of political parties and the origin of party loyalty in the legislative Assembly of Lower Canada between 1791 and 1840. To do so, it conducts a systemic analysis of the legislative behaviour of the Members of Parliament (MPs) with various loyalty indexes. The study aims to assess the validity of two common theories found in the literature to explain the development of political parties in Lower Canada. Results suggest that ethnicity is the most salient issue of division among MPs in the first Parliaments, and that constitutional issues (reformists against conservatives) are the primary causes of conflict in the last two Parliaments.
Between 1675 and 1763, to assist in the colony’s governance, the intendant of New
France was appointing sub-delegates in the towns. He delegated part of his powers to these
officers whom he trusted to inform him and execute his orders concerning “all sorts of
affairs”. Deployed over the entire territory, urban and rural, these sub-delegates extended
the intendant’s authority and jurisdiction throughout the province. Our research shows that,
in addition to a dominance of urban notables in rural areas, the intendant’s administrative
strategies were adapted to local circumstances, notably through the recruitment of
This paper analyzes the representations of consumerism by the Ligue ouvrière
catholique in Quebec between 1939 and 1954 through the lens of gender, class and religious.
Based on a close reading of the Ligue’s newspapers Le Mouvement ouvrier (1939-1944)
and Le Front ouvrier (1944-1954), the analysis seeks to illustrate the importance
of sound consumer practices in solving what was perceived at the time as a moral and
material crisis for working-class families. Developed by the women’s Ligue membership, the
discourse was targeted at housewives, seen as the key agents of change in their